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Category: Opinion

Opinions from varieties of Foreign and Nigerian writers, journalists covering Politics, Governance, Metro and Lifestyles

  • Survival and morality: Shaffy Bello and her case for commercial sex work

    Survival and morality: Shaffy Bello and her case for commercial sex work

    Whether the justification of sex work by Shaffy Bello is a tongue-in-cheek remark that should be scoffed at, a deliberate contrarian position to create controversy that will compel people to watch the episode, hence increasing the host’s payouts on YouTube or an intentional vocalisation of the creed and disposition by which she lives, the pertinent question to ask here is whether such an open justification and validation of a profession that many are contemptuous of should happen in the first place

    Throughout human existence, one conversation that has endured despite the evolution of humanity and the passage of time is the relationship between morality and survival. They question and debate whether the need for survival and self-preservation should take precedence over morality, or if the desire for wealth and material comfort supersedes a clear conscience. Those who have managed to answer these questions, no matter which side of the spectrum of the debate they found themselves on, have been accused of bias and utter disconnection from realities that could have shaped their conclusions and assertions of where they stand on the subject.

    Only a handful of places on earth have seen this poignant discourse of survival and morality as a perennial and popular conversation more than Nigeria. For years now, there have been growing concerns about how deeply materialistic and money-centred the average Nigerian has become and also how our exemplary values, cherished social norms and culture of yore have been corroded by the intemperate pursuit of wealth and get-rich-quick schemes. One thing that must be stated here and now is that the debasement of socio-cultural standing came to be because we not only allowed it but normalised the anomaly and aberration.

    Grit, dedication, hard work and honesty are hardly rewarded while fraud, greed and social vices are extolled. This past week, the question of whether the end should justify the means on matters of survival and morality has dominated discussion and trends on social media underscoring the intersection between responsibility, desperation, morality, logic and sound judgment. The character at the centre of the debate is actress and Nollywood veteran, Shaffy Bello.

    Bello gave unconventional admonitions to young women about commercial sex work. She claimed there was nothing wrong with engaging in prostitution to make ends meet and attain a certain level of material comfort. Speaking in a new episode of the Moraya Show, the actress claimed that it was perfectly fine for ladies to engage in commercial sex work if it was for survival or pressing needs.

    Bello said she doesn’t judge commercial sex workers but rather she encourages them to do it well with respect and confidence. She, however, warned that women who go into sex work due to pressing needs shouldn’t tarry in it.

    “If what you are doing now is being a ‘runs girl’ to make money, you don’t have to stay there. I understand it, I never judge. If you go be ash*wo, do well. Do it well with respect and your full chest. However, don’t stay there. If that is what you have to do right now to make a living. Some girls are doing it because they need to feed their mom and send their younger ones to school. I understand it. However, my darlings, don’t stay there,” she advised.

    Expectedly, the advice has sparked controversy with mixed reactions to trailing it. While the majority find her remark classless and distasteful, a handful find it prudent and reasonable. Among those who share their perspective on the matter, some believe there is nothing entirely wrong with Bello’s statement and if anything it is in keeping with the widespread allegations of the practice of sex-for-movie roles in the Nigerian film industry, and her support of commercial sex work for survival is a tacit confirmation of the troubling phenomenon.

    Whether the rationalisation of sex work by Shaffy Bello is a tongue-in-cheek remark that should be scoffed at, a deliberate contrarian position to create controversy that will compel people to watch the episode, hence increasing the host’s payouts on YouTube or an intentional vocalisation of the creed and disposition by which she lives, the pertinent question to ask here is whether such an open justification and validation of a profession that many are contemptuous of should happen in the first place, whether the promotion of sex work with glee — in a nation where delayed gratification is seen as punishment and hardwork is seen as torture with — as a route to escape poverty, deprivation and social inequality is a profound and essential call to action.

    There is a good chance that many Nigerians who have reacted to Shaffy Bello’s statement would have ignored the conversation if it were a younger person, someone in their 20s or early 30s, that utter the statement. It is easy to chalk down such remarks from a younger person to youthful exuberance and vainglory. But Bello is not just a popular actress, she also belongs to the older generation that the majority of young Nigerians feel destroyed the country because of the lifestyle they lived and are still living.

    One would have thought that for someone of his age, profession and standing in Nigeria, he should have been more tactful, discreet, and prudent on matters of morality and socio-cultural realities. And this is not about being politically correct for the sake of public applause but doing one’s part in reversing years of social aberration and halting further descent into the cesspit of ignoble practices. As much as no one expects Shaffy Bello to be a prude or puritan, it is also clear that no one pegs her as an immoralist and proponent of social vices. So many expected her to extol the virtue of honest and dignifying labour rather than justifying the behaviour of deviants as she seeks to cloak ugly eccentricities and amoral tendencies in the garb of acceptable and normal practices.

    After all is said and done, we must decide what we want as people and a nation. Do we want to remain a group of people that worship money and wealth not minding how people attain their high and advanced socio-economic status while we denigrate and scoff at those who choose to take the path of honour and dignity in solving the conundrum that life tosses at them

  • Xenophobia in South Africa: Is Oshiomhole’s proposal to nationalise MTN the solution Nigeria needs

    So when decades later the progenies and offsprings of those who lived through the horrors of apartheid and were beneficiaries of Nigeria’s considerable contribution to ending the deviously unconscionable and abhorrent socio-political and economic system start a vicious and barbaric campaign of xenophobia against fellow Africans, particularly Nigerians, many were not only disgusted but terrified and wondered what could have triggered such a callous persecution and victimisation of fellow Africans by the very people who not so long ago were victims of subjugation, repression and dehumanisation in the hands of ruthless white colonial settlers. 

    After Nigeria gained independence in 1960, it made the decolonisation of Africa an essential and consequential project that had to be completed to a logical conclusion, to the extent that it codified its anti-colonial stance into its foreign policy. Nigeria did not merely condemn colonialism in Africa through poignant speeches and beautifully worded press statements, but through actions, with the massive deployment of its resources, economic heft, military might, and enviable diplomatic standing in the world at the time.

    The uncompromising anti-imperialist position of Nigeria in the first three decades that followed its independence often put the nation on a collision course with Western powers, who were ostensibly threatened by Nigeria’s Pan-Africanism and aggressive Afrocentric foreign policy. In 1962, Nigeria severed ties with France over the testing of the atomic bomb in the Sahara Desert. Nigeria committed resources and used its imposing and irrepressible global standing to not only support anti-colonial struggle in countries like Angola, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa but also push for the political and economic independence of these countries.

    In his fiery and passionate speech at the extraordinary meeting of the OAU in 1976, Nigeria’s former head of state, late General Murtala Mohammad, railed against the interference of superpowers, particularly the United States, in the affairs of African nations. He flayed the United States for working against the self-determination of Angola. This speech was a response to a letter from President Gerald Ford opposing the Soviet backed M.P.L.A. which had taken power in Angola. The South Africans were fighting with the opposition factions to M.P.LA. General Murtala objected to Ford siding with the South Africans, and against African self-determination.

    Concluding part of speech reads “Mr Chairman, when I contemplate the evils of apartheid, my heart bleeds and I am sure the heart of every true-blooded African bleeds. . . Rather than join hands with the forces fighting for self-determination and against racism and apartheid, the United States policy makers clearly decided that it was in the best interests of their country to maintain white supremacy and minority regimes in Africa”

    South Africa is one of the countries that benefited immensely from Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy and the West African benevolence, determination and desire to make it work. Aside from strongly condemning the evils and iniquities of apartheid that beset the country for most of its existence, it expended resources on the anti-apartheid struggle and fight for independence. At the height of the apartheid rule in South Africa, Nigeria became a haven and refuge for the leading and prominent figures in the anti apartheid struggle who had to flee the repressive and brutal white minority apartheid regime.

    So when decades later the progenies and offsprings of those who lived through the horrors of apartheid and were beneficiaries of Nigeria’s considerable contribution to ending the deviously unconscionable and abhorrent socio-political and economic system start a vicious and barbaric campaign of xenophobia against fellow Africans, particularly Nigerians, many were not only disgusted but terrified and wondered what could have triggered such a callous persecution and victimisation of fellow Africans by the very people who not so long ago were victims of ruthless subjugation, repression and dehumanisation in the hands of white colonial settlers. Even if those behind this virulent propaganda of other Africans being the source of the socio-economic mess South Africa is facing and the vicious xenophobic attack such drivel has engendered don’t have a sense of history at least they should not be bereft of empathy, respect and reason.

    Even before black majority rule and independence in South Africa, xenophobia, though not as intense, pronounced and widespread as it is today, has always been a thing in South Africa as locals compete with foreigners for scarce resources. Between 2008 and 2022, there was no year when the country did not record xenophobic attacks as locals vented their anger, frustration and dissatisfaction over the state of their country by unleashing terror and violence on foreigners. Nigerians have often been caught in these waves of systemic violence against foreigners.

    In the latest wave of xenophobic uprising, Nigerians have been specifically targeted in an orgy of violence and their businesses destroyed for what many disenchanted South Africans who are behind these attacks and violence described as usurpation of their means of livelihoods. On Monday, a serving member of the Nigerian Senate, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, stated that the Nigerian government must be decisive and ruthless in responding to the recent spate of attacks against Nigerians in South Africa.

    The former governor of Edo State, suggested that Nigeria should nationalise South African companies operating in Nigeria. According to him, nationalising companies like MTN will send a strong message to the South African government, forcing them to act quickly in stemming the tide of xenophobia that has become part of the country’s national features. But the question is, is nationalising multinational companies because some misguided characters in the country where these companies are from acted cowardly and recklessly a rational, sound and logical course of action?

    The grievance, discontent and revulsion of Oshiomhole over the perennial xenophobic attack in South Africa is not unreasonable and also quite understandable but we cannot afford to let selective nationalistic and patriotic fervour cloud our sense of reason and sound judgement. Nationalising key private South African companies operating in Nigeria will amount to cutting our noses to spite our faces. The mere suggestion of it alone is profoundly disconcerting and objectively irrational. Aside from the fact that such a move, if at all the Nigerian government mulls it, will be counterproductive, it may push Nigeria into the abyss of a pariah state among the committee of nations.

    At the risk of sounding insensitive or downplaying the cruel and abominable actions of those indulging in these xenophobic attacks, nationalisation of foreign companies will only worsen Nigeria’s precarious economic situation as foreign companies will be forced to ditch the country. It can also lead to a tit-for-tat destructive economic sanction with South African authorities which will have a brutal and devastating impact on both countries. Brawn and needless confrontation should not be the option where reason, diplomacy and rapprochement can get the job done. There are other ways to get the South African government to rein in the excesses of its people and protect other nationals in the country but going after the businesses of its citizens is not one of them.

  • Viewpoint of an industry insider: 2026 AMVCA may possibly be the last

    Viewpoint of an industry insider: 2026 AMVCA may possibly be the last

    A single comment from filmmaker Mildred Okwo has pulled one of Africa’s most consistent award platforms into a wave of uncertainty that feels heavier than a casual industry opinion, because what she suggested was not a confirmation but a possibility shaped by cost pressure, ownership transition, and shifting entertainment economics that now define modern African screen culture.

    The conversation around the Africa Magic Viewers Choice Awards 2026 did not begin as an official announcement, yet it quickly gained traction across industry spaces where production realities, corporate restructuring, and streaming dominance already sit at the center of daily creative survival discussions.

    What makes the situation more delicate is not the statement itself but the environment it was made in, where media consolidation, rising production costs, and corporate profitability expectations are reshaping how long form cultural events are funded and sustained.

    By the time the speculation reached wider audiences, it had already moved beyond a simple opinion and started functioning like a question mark hanging over one of the most visible award platforms in African entertainment history.

    The origin of the speculation moment

    The discussion traces directly to Nigerian filmmaker Mildred Okwo, who publicly expressed concern that the 2026 edition of the Africa Magic Viewers Choice Awards might represent a final chapter rather than another continuation. Her position was not framed as an insider confirmation but as a professional reflection shaped by her understanding of production economics and shifting corporate priorities within the African entertainment ecosystem.

    She suggested that she would be very surprised if the 2026 edition did not turn out to be the farewell cycle, especially under new ownership structures that now prioritize measurable financial return over prestige driven cultural investments.

    Her concern focused heavily on sustainability, particularly the financial burden associated with staging large scale televised award ceremonies in a media environment increasingly driven by efficiency metrics. This single viewpoint created the foundation for a wider conversation that soon expanded far beyond one filmmaker’s personal interpretation of industry conditions.

    Cost structure pressure within AMVCA production system

    The Africa Magic Viewers Choice Awards has always operated as a high cost production event, involving stage design, talent coordination, broadcasting logistics, audience management, and regional content integration across multiple African markets. Each edition requires significant investment in production crews, international standard staging, creative direction, and live broadcast infrastructure that meets both local and continental audience expectations.

    These production demands make the platform one of the most expensive recurring entertainment events on the African continent, especially when measured against direct revenue generation. Unlike commercial concerts or subscription based content platforms, award shows rely heavily on sponsorship ecosystems and corporate backing rather than direct consumer payments.

    This structure creates long term vulnerability whenever parent companies begin to reassess cost efficiency and strategic return on investment across their entertainment portfolios.

    Ownership transition pressure within MultiChoice ecosystem

    The speculation around AMVCA 2026 gained further momentum due to broader structural changes within MultiChoice and its evolving relationship with Canal Plus, which has increased scrutiny on operational efficiency across all entertainment properties. Corporate restructuring in media companies often leads to reassessment of legacy programs, particularly those that carry prestige value but limited direct revenue contribution.

    Within this environment, platforms like AMVCA become subject to internal evaluations that weigh cultural impact against financial sustainability and long term profitability metrics.

    Streaming services such as Showmax have also shifted corporate focus toward on demand digital consumption models that generate clearer revenue tracking systems compared to live award ceremonies.

    This shift has intensified concerns that traditional large scale televised events may face reduced prioritization in future content investment strategies.

    The role of industry opinion in shaping public interpretation

    Mildred Okwo’s comment gained traction not because it was an official statement but because it came from someone embedded within the Nigerian film industry, where production realities are deeply understood. Industry voices often carry interpretive weight even when they are not connected to formal decision making processes, especially in environments where transparency around corporate planning is limited.

    Mildred Okwo

    Her perspective reflected a broader anxiety within creative circles about the long term sustainability of large scale cultural showcases under changing economic conditions. However, her statement remained firmly in the category of speculation rather than confirmation, a distinction that is often blurred when social media amplifies selective interpretations of professional opinions.

    This blending of opinion and perceived fact is one of the primary reasons the AMVCA 2026 conversation expanded so rapidly across entertainment discussions.

    Confirmed structure of AMVCA 2026 planning cycle

    Despite the speculation, the operational status of AMVCA 2026 indicates active planning rather than termination.
    The event is scheduled for 9 May 2026 in Lagos, maintaining its established position within the annual entertainment calendar.
    Nomination processes have already been completed, with categories expanded to include broader African representation, reflecting continued institutional investment in the platform.

    Host announcements, including Bovi and Nomzamo Mbatha, further confirm that production planning is already in motion with defined creative direction.
    These elements collectively indicate continuity rather than closure, even within a climate of financial and structural uncertainty.

    Why sustainability concerns are gaining attention

    The idea that AMVCA 2026 could possibly be the last does not originate from formal cancellation signals but from broader sustainability conversations within the entertainment industry. Award shows globally are experiencing similar scrutiny due to high production costs and shifting audience consumption patterns that favor digital clips over long televised ceremonies.

    In Africa, this challenge is amplified by infrastructure costs, sponsorship dependency, and evolving corporate media strategies that prioritize scalable digital content ecosystems. These factors create a realistic environment where long standing cultural institutions must continuously justify their financial and strategic relevance. As a result, even established platforms become subject to periodic speculation about long term survival.

    Industry psychology behind the last edition narrative

    The phrase last edition carries emotional weight in entertainment industries because it signals potential closure of cultural traditions that audiences associate with identity and prestige. In the case of AMVCA, the awards represent not just recognition of talent but a structured archive of African film progression over the years.

    This emotional attachment often intensifies reactions when any suggestion of discontinuation appears, regardless of whether it is officially grounded.

    Industry professionals also tend to interpret corporate restructuring through the lens of personal experience, which can amplify concerns during periods of change. This psychological layer contributes significantly to how quickly speculation spreads within creative communities.

    Corporate logic versus cultural continuity tension

    At the center of the AMVCA 2026 conversation is a tension between corporate logic and cultural continuity, where financial efficiency models intersect with artistic recognition systems.

    Corporations evaluate projects through return on investment frameworks, while cultural institutions often evaluate them through legacy impact and industry development value.

    This difference in evaluation criteria creates friction when decisions about long standing cultural events are reviewed under modern business restructuring conditions.

    The result is a recurring question within entertainment ecosystems about whether prestige driven events can survive in increasingly profit oriented media environments. AMVCA now sits directly within that intersection of value systems.

    Media evolution influence on award show relevance

    The rise of streaming platforms has fundamentally changed how audiences consume entertainment content, shifting attention from live broadcast events to on demand digital engagement. This shift reduces the centrality of award shows as primary cultural gathering moments, replacing them with fragmented digital highlight consumption patterns.
    In this new environment, award ceremonies must compete for attention in a crowded content ecosystem where visibility is no longer guaranteed by broadcast dominance.

    For corporate owners, this creates pressure to justify continued investment in formats that do not directly generate scalable digital revenue streams.
    This structural shift is one of the underlying forces feeding speculation around AMVCA’s long term future.

    Reality check on AMVCA 2026 status

    Despite speculation, all current indicators point to an active and fully structured production cycle for AMVCA 2026. Scheduled execution, confirmed nominees, expanded categories, and announced hosts collectively reinforce operational continuity. There is no official communication from MultiChoice or the AMVCA organising team indicating cancellation or termination of the awards.

    The current situation reflects industry uncertainty rather than institutional decision making. This distinction remains critical in separating speculation from confirmed structural change.

    What the conversation reveals about African entertainment systems

    The debate surrounding AMVCA 2026 reveals deeper realities about how African entertainment systems now operate under global corporate ownership structures.
    It highlights how creative institutions are increasingly shaped by financial strategy decisions that extend beyond artistic considerations alone.

    It also shows how quickly informal industry opinions can evolve into continental conversation points in a digitally connected media environment.
    The speed of this transformation reflects both the strength of African entertainment visibility and the fragility of its institutional funding models. AMVCA has therefore become not just an award conversation but a reflection of wider industry transition dynamics.

    Final reflection on uncertainty versus confirmation

    The idea that 2026 AMVCA may possibly be the last sits entirely within the space of speculation rather than confirmed institutional planning. What exists is a valid industry concern raised by a filmmaker familiar with production realities, not a declared decision from organizers.

    At the same time, the concerns reflect real structural pressures affecting large scale entertainment productions in a changing media economy. The situation captures a moment where cultural legacy, corporate restructuring, and digital transformation intersect in ways that generate uncertainty even when continuity is still operationally visible.

    For now, AMVCA remains active, but the conversation around its future reflects a broader question facing many long standing entertainment institutions across Africa.

  • Nigeria: Living on generators, but led by solar — By Abdulsalam Abdullahi Opeyemi

    Nigeria: Living on generators, but led by solar — By Abdulsalam Abdullahi Opeyemi

    In Nigeria today, the hum of generators is as familiar as traffic noise. From small roadside shops to large corporate offices, petrol and diesel generators have become an unofficial backbone of daily life. Yet beneath this noisy reality, a quieter transition is emerging, one increasingly shaped by sunlight.

    Nigeria may still rely heavily on generators, but it is also being steadily influenced by solar energy. This dual reality reflects a country caught between present necessity and future possibility.

    Nigeria’s dependence on generators is not necessarily a matter of preference, but of survival. The national grid has long struggled with instability and underperformance. Although installed generation capacity is often reported to exceed 13,000 megawatts, actual supply remains significantly lower for most of the time.

    Even for those connected to the grid, outages are frequent. A large number of Nigerians still lack reliable access to electricity, while many others experience highly inconsistent supply.

    In this gap, generators have become the default alternative. They are immediate, flexible, and widely available. For businesses, they often determine whether operations continue. For households, they provide basic comfort and continuity.

    However, this reliance comes with significant costs—financial, environmental, and social. Fuel prices remain volatile, especially in the context of subsidy reforms and currency fluctuations. Noise pollution is widespread, and air quality is affected in urban areas. For small businesses, fuel expenses can significantly reduce already narrow profit margins.

    In many ways, generators reflect a deeper structural challenge: an energy system that has yet to consistently meet growing demand.

    While generators dominate the present, solar energy is increasingly shaping future possibilities. Over the past few years, Nigeria has seen notable growth in solar adoption, particularly within off-grid and decentralized systems.

    Much of this expansion has not come from large-scale national infrastructure, but from households, small businesses, and mini-grid solutions. Rooftop systems, solar kits, and hybrid setups are gradually becoming more common in both urban and rural areas.

    Imports of solar equipment have also increased in recent years, reflecting growing interest in alternative energy solutions. For many users, solar adoption is driven less by environmental considerations and more by economic necessity, particularly the need to reduce dependence on fuel.

    While solar capacity is still relatively small compared to the national energy deficit, its rate of adoption suggests a shift in direction rather than scale.

    The idea of solar “leading” is therefore not about dominance in output, but about influence in trajectory. Increasingly, solar solutions are shaping how individuals and businesses think about energy independence, especially in response to grid limitations and fuel costs.

    At the same time, generators remain deeply embedded in Nigeria’s energy reality. They continue to provide immediate reliability in situations where alternatives are either unavailable or unaffordable. For many households, the choice is not between solar and grid power, but between generators and no electricity at all.

    Several barriers still affect broader solar adoption. These include high initial costs, limited financing options, infrastructure constraints, and dependence on imported components. Policy inconsistency also continues to affect investor confidence in the sector.

    For now, Nigeria’s energy system remains a hybrid of necessity and transition. Many households and businesses combine multiple sources—grid, generators, batteries, and increasingly solar—to manage reliability.

    Over time, improvements in technology, financing, and policy may gradually shift this balance further toward renewable options. Still, the broader direction appears to be toward more diversified and sustainable energy solutions rather than reliance on a single source.

    Abdulsalam Abdullahi Opeyemi is a journalist. He can be reached via abdulsalamabdullah1234@gmail.com.

  • 2027 election: Zubby Michael and the gambit of Nollywood’s incursion into politics

    2027 election: Zubby Michael and the gambit of Nollywood’s incursion into politics

     

    Actor and singer, who is also 9ice’s contemporary, Bankole Wellington, popularly known as Banky W has also had his days in the proverbial Nigerian political sun and he has been repeatedly browbeaten by the rays of disappointment and the heat of frustration. On two separate occasions, 2019 and 2023, he contested for Lagos’ Eti-Osa Federal Constituency seat in Nigeria’s House of Representatives and, on both occasions, he lost

    Politics is one of the few human endeavours with little or no entry barriers.  It is a profession that has been ventured into by men of different status, intellect and temperament. However, despite it being an all-comer affairs and when compared to other professions like law, accounting and banking, the entertainment industry has not enjoyed an impressive and significant involvement of those who ply their trade there in politics. That is not to say politics has not borne witness to the show many top shots in the entertainment industry. Arnold Schwarzenegger was elected on the Republican Party ticket as governor of the U.S. state of California. Joseph Estrada, an actor, who, riding on the crest of popularity, was also elected as president of the Philippines. Needless to say, his presidency was a disaster. Estrada was impeached.

    Ronald Reagan, an accomplished Hollywood actor, acquitted himself as America’s president. The records show that Reagan put an end to the “Cold War” between the Western and Eastern Blocs of yore. It can be argued that in Reagan’s years at the white house, the former Union of Soviet socialist Republics, USSR, became dismembered, and today we have twenty independent republics.

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the current Ukrainian president, is another character in the entertainer-to-politician pipeline. He has served as the sixth president of the Eastern European nation since 2019. His time in office has seen the nation go through one of the most turbulent, perilous and chaotic times in its history since it became an independent nation after the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 90s. His presidency has been marked by war with Russia and geopolitical instability as he took office five years after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian war with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and invasion of the Donbas, and has continued to serve during the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, which has been ongoing since February 2022.

    Nollywood, Nigeria’s equivalent of Hollywood in the U.S., and Bollywood in India, have become a force to reckon with. Our actors/actresses are ranked amongst the best on the continent, and the world. And no thanks to the democratisation of filmmaking and production occasioned by the advent of ubiquitous video/movie streaming platforms like Netflix, YouTube, Prime Video and HBO, our actors are now enjoying massive commercial successes that are unthinkable or unheard of a couple of decades ago with the profit-sharing framework and monetisation package these platforms offer. The gambit lately, is for our artistes and actors, foraying into the cheerless world of politics.

    Onyeka Onwenu, the singer/actress, attempted to win the chairmanship of her Arondizuogu local government area, twice, and twice, she failed. But that is not to say that it is taboo for entertainers to have a shot at representative or party politics. After all, Tony One week, a Nollywood giant, is a politician, in his native Anambra state. Desmond Elliott has been a member of the Lagos State Assembly since 2015 but after serving three terms there has been noticeable growing opposition to his fourth term bid in the state assembly over what his disenchanted constituents described as ineffective and poor representation.

    But Elliott and Tony One Week are just a couple of the lucky ones whose political aspirations were realised. When it comes to musicians and actors venturing into politics in Nigeria, there have been more misses than hits. Singer Akande Abolore Adégbolá better known as 9ice once tried to vie for the House of Representatives in his home town Ogbomoso in 2015. He lost the All Progressives Congress primary election for the Ogbomosho North/South/Orire Federal Constituency seat. He would later describe the Nigerian political environment as ‘not ideal’.

    Actor and singer, who is also 9ice’s contemporary, Bankole Wellington, popularly known as Banky W has also had his days in the proverbial Nigerian political sun and he has been repeatedly browbeaten by the rays of disappointment and the heat of frustration. On two separate occasions, 2019 and 2023, he contested for Lagos’ Eti-Osa Federal Constituency seat in Nigeria’s House of Representatives and, on both occasions, he lost. Others, like Kate Henshaw and Tony Tetuila, have thrown their hats into the political ring but their popularity and achievements in the entertainment industry did not translate to success in politics.

    But despite the abysmally low rates of success in actualising their political ambition, the population of Nigerian actors and musicians who dabble in politics has grown in the last decade as they continue to leave the klei light for the uncertain and treacherous terrain of politics with many of them gunning for elective seats in various constituencies across the country.

    The latest thespian to hop on the political bandwagon is actor Zubby Michael. Michael recently joined the African Democratic Congress. He has since declared his interest in running for a House of Representatives seat for the Nnewi North, Nnewi South and Ekwusigo Federal Constituency of Anambra State.

    What the gambit is, we can only conjecture. The industry, Nollywood, and the music business, could do with their know-how. We do not seem to understand what message they are sending. Nollywood and the music industry could do with their god-given talents, rather than foray into a field they hardly know anything about

  • That child is malnourished, not a witch

    That child is malnourished, not a witch

    The rate at which children are abandoned and neglected over accusations of witchcraft is disturbing, annoying and worrisome. From Angola to Gambia to Uganda to Nigeria to Sierra Leone to Congo to Ethiopia, there are thousands of homeless children living on the streets and majority of these children were expelled from their homes over witchcraft accusations.

    A source told SafeAfrica that more than 15,000 children were branded as witches and most of them end up abandoned and abused on the streets mostly in Akwa Ibom and Cross River State.

    The prodigy of witch-hunts in Sub-Saharan Africa is ancient. In Africa, a witch is seen as the most evil person responsible for disease, affliction, penury and disastrous occurrences. When someone is accused of witchcraft in African societies before the advent of urbanization, HIV/AIDS, absolute poverty among others, such individual is either an elderly person, disabled or albino because they see anyone considered different from others to be a witch.

    We’ve had several cases where children are accused of witchcraft and later subjected to violent exorcism rituals by pastors and Alfas who mix religions with African witchcraft beliefs.

    These children branded as witches are forced to be incarcerated or starved or compelled to drink hazardous substances to free them from alleged witchcraft or set on fire with gasoline.

    When questions are asked about child witchcraft from its promoters mainly pastors and Alfas, they provide explanation lacking depth, clear explanation or compelling arguments.

    A person is considered a witch if he or she employs black magic or have the ability to summon spirits, exert control over, or affect other individuals or circumstances that are thought to be the result of sorcery.

    Apart from negative definitions that portray all things dark or black as evil, intentions and purpose do. When employed negatively, both dark magic and white magic (if it exists) represent evil.

    Most magicians have incredibly limited abilities. They are primarily motivated by cunning and crafty skills, which are keenly defined by native intellect and emotional intelligence. They employ gimmicks and diverting techniques to support their acts, whether they are young or old.

    A larger percentage of Africans believe that magicians are witches or wizards. When they see any individual performing magic or exercising strange powers, they see such person as a witch if he’s not a Christian or Muslim.

    When you take away religious beliefs and literature, witchcraft would not survive the test of time. One does not need to exercise black magic to become a witch. If you frown over people’s successes, you’re an evildoer. When the tears and agonies of others make you happy or joyous, you’re an evildoer. If you wish peoples bad, you’re an evildoer. You don’t have to possess black powers or directly do evil to be an evildoer. And all these are mostly exhibited by grown-up individuals not children.

    Child witchcraft is a made-up concept. It is a made-up, invented, and mythical concept that was invented with the intention of inciting dread or purposeful segregation. It has not yet been proven beyond a reasonable doubt.

    Some schools of thought believe that foreign religions simply invented or introduced it into the society to justify miracles, deliverance, and redemption in addition to demonizing local religions. Miracles or deliverance are born out of difficulties or troubles. They see witchcraft as available market for miracles and deliverance.

    Others see it as an invention that is supported by writers, filmmakers, and artists who write fiction.
    Recently, a man in his seventies was beaten and set on fire in Benue due to accusations of witchcraft. He was accused of witchcraft, which almost cost him his life. They did not see him drinking blood. They did not see him flying at night. They also accused him of being responsible for their worries as pictured by novelists and filmmakers. And a headless mob is calling for his execution because they believe he is a witch.

    The narrative of this man in his seventies is like to those of every African youngster who has been abandoned or forsaken and left to perish on the streets due to allegations of witchcraft. Millions of children are left unattended by their families since pastors blamed them for their issues. If they were fortunate enough to be alive, these abandoned youngsters could be found on the streets.

    Both old and young people but the rising figures of young people is simply disturbing and quite worrisome. While some children were slaughtered and reduced to ashes, others were exposed to ritualistic crimes.

    Do young witches really exist? This reporter does not agree with religious statements concerning their existence. Break away from the fiction books and movies; witches are not born. Only “heavenly mates” who rely on the collective abilities of their group exist, according to Yoruba beliefs.

    These heavenly partners don’t act in a bad way. They just encourage and motivate their members. It is asserted with established Ifa corpus that these associations also exist in heavens, just like on earth where individuals get together to create groups and help members.

    We must rescue our thoughts from charges of witchcraft and allow young children to prosper in life. There are no witches in children. Young people’s lives have been damaged and they have continued to be abused and abandoned as a result of unfounded charges.

    Sadly, pastors and Alfas were frequently accused of pushing away children by their families. These young children were suspected of practicing witchcraft, and their families were promised more business and prosperity. They would warn them that there would be no genuine atonement if these children were not sent away. These little children would be taken away, and the families would remain in utter poverty.

    Why subject young kids to harm or abuse just to further our religious beliefs? Why would we risk the safety of young children in order to promise their parents affluence that would never materialize?

    There are those fortunate kids accused of witchcraft who, thanks to adoption, were spared from abuse and hunger. Have you also read captivating tales about them? Have you read about Anja Ringgren Lovén, a Danish relief worker, who adopted a young, ill boy? He is now grown, wholesome, and fleshy. He resides with 35 of the Danish charity worker’s adopted children who were also charged with witchcraft.

    Why do these little youngsters bless their adopted fathers and mothers if they are actually witches? Why do they get along with them well?
    In Africa, population growth is geometric but the likelihood of survival is arithmetic. When you have several children who have little responsibility, they often wind up becoming a burden. You cannot have more children than you can support without experiencing difficulty.

    The majority of parents use allegations of witchcraft as an escape from their duties, while others who were looking for miracles or wealth were duped by phony pastors who are witch detectors.

    When you are struggling to make ends meet on your own, having children is not necessary, this reporter opines. You don’t need marriage or kids if you’re struggling to make ends meet or are in need. Opportunities, not obligations, are what you need. In Africa, the idea of child witchcraft is widely accepted because there is a ready-made environment of extreme poverty for it.

    If parents could care for their families and children, and if there were hospitals that could treat sick children affordably, child witchcraft would not persist. In order to further their causes and worsen the harm to society, parents and religious authorities participate in witch hunting.

    There are no witches in children. A child born with innate aptitude, odd instincts, the capacity to dream or predict the future, or any combination of these, is not a witch. You are the witch if you have children that you cannot support as a struggling adult. The poor youngster is merely a casualty of your sorcery.

    Children being abused, tortured, and abandoned due to charges of witchcraft is horrible and ought to be categorically denounced by everyone with common sense.

  • Students’ unionism, the politics of ‘over-graduates’ and ‘yahoo boys’

    Students’ unionism, the politics of ‘over-graduates’ and ‘yahoo boys’

    Students’ unionism has long practiced the ‘Baba Isale’ politics. The situation would change if it (Baba Isale politics) encouraged unionism or benefited young people who wanted to serve rather it exposed these young ones to cultism, vanity, and superfluous show-off despite the fact that it offered no particular benefit.

    ‘Baba Isale politics’ in this piece means the unnecessary interference of old students of a particular school to install their preferred candidate. These old students are either unemployed or non-dutifully ones who take pleasure or pride in interfering in campus or indigenous association politics.

    It is no longer necessary for students to elect SUG candidates into offices. Before they can win elections, they think that they need the assistance of stakeholders (Baba Isale) who can connect them with cults and politicians.

    The ambition or desire of these young ones to succeed is rudely exploited. The men are involved in a master-servant relationship while the women are used for emotional squabbles. Contestants depend on these stakeholders throughout the election process, from screening to manifesto to vote, which impedes the electoral process.

    The student union movement is in danger of disintegrating. The market has been controlled by online scammers. In order to put presidents in charge of academic institutions, yahoo boys have actually formed a coalition. They also desire a say in the educational setting. They require a spokesperson to advocate on their behalf before the school administration.

    A certain SUG president recently declared war on the campus police because they forbade the presence of any student-owned vehicles on school grounds. With signs in hand, this buddy and his yahoo pals demonstrated against the directive. They added a few sincere demands, but when the administration of the school complied with the major ones, they felt content.

    Any anyone who has ever held any position of student leadership should be concerned about the situation of school unionism, which is on the decline. Because some people do not wish to go past the confines of a college, the fundamental purpose of unionization in higher institutions appears to have been defeated.

    SUG presidents now drive fancy vehicles that they most likely obtained through fraud to impress women on campuses. They pay out these participants in order to keep quiet and let evil triumph.

    Today, clowns and yahoo boys perform on the stage of the SUG president’s office. They subtly convey their demands through the office and hide their presence in the building. In order to win elections, they follow the lead of avaricious men (Baba Isale). They favor the name more than the connected works. Leadership roles are now taken by those who need to be changed. This is a sad and frustrating new low.

    I once sounded the alarm over the entry of yahoo boys into positions of authority. Because they have stolen money to give to stakeholders who are in poverty and don’t work to appreciate the dignity that comes with money, I predicted that they would fill these positions. They have hardly spread after a year. They are found everywhere, including in native associations and school groups. Should we commend over-graduates for meddling in school elections?

    They seem uninterested in developing themselves personally since they have enjoyed the adulation, respect, and prestige that come with being called a “leader” so much. As much as they have access to female students who are quickly turned on because certain aspects can yell, shout, or impede processes, they desire to always be there and to be addressed as stakeholders or leaders.

    It should not be abused when leaders or stakeholders are given the opportunity to influence elections. They must oversee, but not direct, the process. They are intended to teach the young people moral lessons by preserving customs and refraining from giving rash orders or instructions. They must consciously take on the role of a neutral party that is motivated to create an even playing field for all competitors.

    Regrettably, the majority of parties now negotiate or advance their interests through the union. To accomplish their shared objective, they present a wide range of concepts, whether absurd or not. They may not worry if their views defy accepted wisdom, defy logic, or defy good judgment. They merely desire the young people’s dread or compelled respect.

    I have regrettably noticed that the majority of student unions are easily swayed by these stakeholders, who are either tools of oppressors or have personal interests in the matter. They casually violate traditions and pay little regard to any customs that can obstruct their goals.

    Stakeholders who were supposed to defend the union from intruders or outside donors are becoming parasites that are eroding the union’s moral fiber.

    These parties are sometimes referred to as “Baba-Isale.” The term “Baba Isale” is a godfather title. A recently-retired union official nonetheless considers oneself to be one. Those who stole money from the Union while they were in office prefer to be addressed as such. Graduates without work who are anxiously seeking employment prefer to be addressed as “Baba Isale.”

    People who seek to utilize the union to bargain with politicians for political favor, financial security, or to make amends for past wrongs consider themselves to be godfathers as well. No recent graduate who is actively involved in a career or business has time to push the agenda of others.

    True respect, however, can only be acquired by individual improvement. The restoration of school unionism is still possible with enough knowledge and training. On campuses, we require ideological classes.

    For the restoration of unionism, students must get sincere training. They shouldn’t be kept in cages and trained for selfish ends. They ought to be able to distinguish between group and individual interests. If ideological classes exist, perceived stakeholders who view the union as a weapon against poverty or a means of systemic survival would not misuse the processes.

    Those who have really profited from school unionism shouldn’t let it collapse. Being high does not need you to sit at a high table. They should fight to keep ideological classes and instill morality in the kids. Do not exacerbate the situation if, as a shareholder, you can positively contribute to the prosperity of the union. They must not be observed performing a hatchet job. They should always encourage fair play and push children to perform better.

    Those who have really profited from school unionism shouldn’t let it collapse. Being high does not need you to sit at a high table. They should fight to keep ideological classes and instill morality in the kids.

    Do not exacerbate the situation if, as a shareholder, you can positively contribute to the prosperity of the union. They must not be observed performing a hatchet job. They should always encourage fair play and push children to perform better.

    Those who have reaped enormous benefits from school unionism should not allow it to collapse. Being tall can be attained without sitting at a high table. They should work hard to preserve ideological ideologies and instill morality in students.

    Do not exacerbate the situation if, as a stakeholder, you can favorably impact the union’s prosperity. You shouldn’t catch them executing a hatchet job. They should always urge young people to achieve better and promote fair play.

  • Jos killings and the troubling optics of Tinubu’s visit

    Jos killings and the troubling optics of Tinubu’s visit

    But what was supposed to be a solemn and dignified occasion and moment of compassion and compunction that would have possibly allowed the president to burnish his own uninspiring reputation, launder his own image and endear himself to an ever-growing number of forlorn and disaffected citizens who are disillusioned with his government became an unsettling optics and public relations disaster.

    Last Sunday’s vicious and mindless violent attack on the Gari Ya Waye community in Angwan Rukuba, Jos, which left over 30 people dead is still very fresh in the minds of Nigerians. The barbaric attack and killings are the latest in the perennial bloodletting and brazen disregard for human life that has become a recurring theme in our national life. Five days after the attack, President Bola Tinubu finally decided to visit Jos to commiserate with the families of the victims of the attack.

    However, what was supposed to be a solemn and dignified occasion of compassion and empathy that would have possibly allowed the president to burnish his uninspiring image and endear himself to an ever-growing number of forlorn and disaffected citizens who are disillusioned by his government became an unsettling optics and public relations disaster. First, the ideal, sensible and logical thing for reasonable and compassionate humans to do when visiting bereaved, grieving and distraught families will be to meet them at their homes where the air is thick with unspoken deep pain and the atmosphere is enveloped by a gloomy cloud of bleak reality. Where the agony and trauma of losing loved ones are best felt and shared by those who have come to console the family.

    Instead of meeting these bereaved families, who are victims of his incompetence and lackadaisical approach to the nation’s deepening security crisis, in their communities and homes, the president had them ferried to the airport to meet him, adding the stress of a onerous road journey to the crushing burden of hapless grieving families. As if the indignity of forcing the families to travel over long distances to meet him at the airport is not insensitive and dehumanising enough, the president had to remind them that he was doing them a favour by being there as he lamented the heat at the airport Hall where he met with the families due to lack of electricity. He would go on to add that he only had ten minutes to spend with families even as he let them know that there is only so much he can do to end their plight. Even by Nigeria’s destructively low standard, what happened in Jos is abhorrent and distasteful.

    The actions and remarks of the president in Jos are not too surprising. They are a predictable and familiar disposition of the president when dealing with victims of the nation’s jarring insecurity. It is not the first time he has been treating those at the receiving end of brutal attacks and wanton killings with disdain and scorn. During his visit to Benue State in June 2025, he stopped at the Government House but did not go to the actual scene where innocent Nigerians lost their lives. Early this year, in the wake of the killings of over 200 people in the Woro community in Kaiama local government of Kwara state, the president chose to attend the wedding ceremony of the child of one of his ministers instead of visiting the beleaguered community. In March, the president flew to the United Kingdom after the bombing that claimed several lives in Maiduguri. The president has an unsettling history of treating with contempt and afterthought.

    What happened in Jos yesterday underscores a total lack of leadership. A true leader must let go of his ego and ditch the toga of comfort, luxury and flamboyance. He must show empathy, compassion, and a willingness to meet people where their pain truly lies. For citizens who have just lost loved ones, homes, and their sense of safety, being addressed from an airport tarmac is profoundly inadequate.

    The actions and utterances of the president deepen the feeling of neglect already felt by innocent Nigerians who are grappling with incessant violence without meaningful protection or justice. Plateau deserves more than distant words, empty reassurance and perfunctory condolence visits; it requires swift action and a clear commitment to ending the insecurity that continues to claim innocent lives.

    It is clear that the President only visited to tick a box and get the deluge of feisty critics who are lampooning him over the incident off his back. The optics of his posturing and display in Jos are embarrassingly awful even by Nigeria’s standards. The president’s attitude and repeated pattern of treating victims of insecurity with indifference and scant regard is a lurch into dangerous territory for the nation which is only symptomatic of the troubling trajectory of the country and its political class. The president must know that his first and primary responsibility to the people is protecting their lives and properties and his well-documented failure in tackling the nation’s security challenges makes his position largely untenable.

  • Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove: God’s Name, Human Blunders, Violent Conflict

    Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove: God’s Name, Human Blunders, Violent Conflict

    In Nigeria’s spiritual landscape, a disturbing trend emerges – faith used as a catalyst for conflict. The recent incident at Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove, where a pastor’s actions sparked retaliation, highlights the urgent need for change. It’s time to bring history back into the classroom, especially for religious leaders who didn’t attend tertiary institutions.

    The National Orientation Agency (NOA) must specifically target and show real interest in pastors or imams who did not pursue religious education at tertiary institutions and attended private theological or Arabic schools. This isn’t about restricting freedom of speech but ensuring these leaders understand the impact of their words. Many poorly educated individuals forming public opinions

    These people are not historians who comprehend the events that shaped yesterday. They simply carelessly ride the horses of ignorance and haughtiness. They had only heard tales of war from the texts. The complexity and ramifications of violent confrontations are beyond their comprehension. They don’t want to know if the earth has eyes. They just take careless steps. They don’t care as long as it satisfies their self-imposed agenda and crude mindset.

    They are time bombs that need to be properly evacuated, prioritized, and evaluated before they go off. Before and after these people are allowed to use microphones or megaphones and give public speeches, they must be taught citizenship education and history through ongoing or relevant academic programs. Nigeria has to be saved from terrorists, bandits, aggressors, and those who encourage ethnoreligious strife.

    If we had made it essential for pastors and imams who did not attend tertiary institutions to take professional courses in citizenship education and history, they would have learned that every violent conflict in history began with a spark. World War I, one of the worst battles in human history, began with an aggrieved guy assassinating two people when a motorcade took the wrong route.

    In 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the Austro-Hungarian heir, paid a visit to Sarajevo, Bosnia. His convoy, while touring the city, made a false turn onto a street where Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb nationalist, waited. Princip came forward and assassinated both the Archduke and his wife.

    Austria-Hungary issued an ultimatum to Serbia, containing ten demands, including the suppression of anti-Austrian propaganda in Serbia, the dissolution of the Black Hand society (linked to the assassination), the arrest of those involved in the plot, the prohibition of arms shipments from Serbia to Bosnia, and Austrian involvement in the investigation of the assassination within Serbia, among others.

    Serbia accepted some demands, but not all. Austria-Hungary were enraged and declared war on July 28, 1914. Russia mobilized to defend Serbia, prompting Germany to declare war on Russia and France. Britain declared war on Germany, and its objective was to fry people with aerial bombs, artillery shells, zeppelins, and grenades. Indeed, the spark caused a big fire.

    “1914? That was 112 years ago. More than a hundred years ago? The world has become global. Laws, procedures, conventions, agreements, and international relations have all seen significant improvements. We are currently in the season of debates and religion disputes. I could buy a Bible and burn it. I can buy and burn the Quran. I could pay a fee to get into the shrine and burn it. This is my money and time. I can take you to court if you threaten me for burning spiritual goods I purchased with my money and displayed in public.” Allow for excuses on behalf of religious bigots and overzealous individuals.

    In 2005, a Danish newspaper published cartoons of the Holy Prophet Muhammad, sparking outrage. It sparked significant riots and violence throughout Muslim countries, resulting in hundreds of fatalities and attacks on churches, embassies, and other targets. In 2002, Isioma Daniel, a Nigerian journalist, wrote an essay about the Miss World Pageant held in Abuja. The story generated fury among some Muslims, who deemed it insulting, resulting in riots and the deaths of over 200 individuals. These terrible incidents occurred in the twenty-first century. And we are still in the middle of the twenty-first century.

    Every confrontation, whether violent or nonviolent, stems from a spark that was ignored or allowed to turn into a bomb. Nigeria is a country with many different religions and cultures. It is troubling that a country grappling with terrorism, farmer-herder conflict, banditry, and kidnapping could let some regions descend into religious chaos. I’ve long maintained that our prevention efforts are inadequate, and that we continue to struggle with incident management. If the DSS and other relevant security services were functional and truly worried about Nigerians’ safety, the ongoing religious malady in Osun State would have been arrested.

    On Sunday evening, I noticed a video on a WhatsApp group with the frightening caption “Pastor storms Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove to pray against River Goddess”. I watched the video and assumed it was a scene from a Christian movie, with three clowns dressed in white praying against an unknown spirit to verify their spiritual essence and powers. I was going about my daily routine when a friend tagged me in a post. I scrolled through the article and found the exact video on Prophet Odedoyin Olawumi Ezekiel’s Facebook page.

    I checked the page’s stats, and it has 754K followers. I scrolled through the page and watched videos about the pastor’s miracles (curing mad people and using spiritual powers to solve personal problems for some church members). It was like a theater of absurdity. I laughed out loud and swallowed my surprise at what had occurred at the Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove. The page contained a collection of spiritual films.

    As I read the comments below the post, I voiced concern about the commentators’ orientation and mental state. However, I was shocked to see cautionary comments put by some Christians in the comment area. They accused the pastors of facilitating or promoting religious conflicts, emphasizing the significance of knowing and respecting various faiths.

    In revenge, a group of dissatisfied traditional worshippers attacked a local church in Ido-Osun and beheaded a dog on the altar. The same individuals who chastised the pastors for going to the forest to commit sacrilege are praising aggrieved traditional worshipers who murdered a dog on the altar. Two wrongs do not constitute a right. Some cultural enthusiasts are still outraged over what they call the degradation of heritage monuments and traditional religious locations. Some people are still angry with the action of aggrieved traditionalists.

    Retaliation is the language of violent conflict. When a party feels duped and turns to self-help, it indicates a lack of trust in our criminal justice system. If the other party retaliates, resulting in property damage or loss of life, it is considered violent conflict. We owe our nation a duty of care, patriotism, and protection. Security organizations, particularly the Department of State Service, must emphasize safety and put more emphasis on preventative measures.

    In Nigeria, terrorism, farmer-herder conflicts, and kidnapping are already straining the country. Allowing religious conflicts to brew is a risk we can’t take. Security agencies, particularly the DSS, must prioritize prevention and put an end to provocative actions.

    Pastor Odedoyin Ezekiel’s video, which sparked the Osun-Osogbo incident, is still online, and he’s showing no signs of backing down. He has not deleted the aforementioned video. He created another video to spite traditional devotees, using legal jargons to defend the show of religious intolerance displayed by his members during their visit to the hallowed forest. This lack of accountability is fueling tensions. It’s time for the DSS to step in and for religious leaders to act responsibly.

    Some claimed that the pastor and the church were on a mission of clickbaits and popularity. But they do not need to mock the faith of others to grow their church. There is no remorse, appeal, or retraction. Our government must prioritize a functional working relationship between religious leaders and punish aggressors to serve as deterrence to others. If the DSS continues to watch and allow bigots to facilitate, provoke, or encourage religious crises, I can only pray that we are not sitting on gunpowder.

     

  • Over 10,000 Complaints in Six Months: What Is Breaking in Nigerian Banking sector?

    Over 10,000 Complaints in Six Months: What Is Breaking in Nigerian Banking sector?

    Something began to shift quietly in Nigerian banking long before the numbers were published. It showed up in delayed alerts, disputed transfers, and anxious visits to banking halls that felt heavier than usual. Customers were not shouting yet, but they were filing reports, screenshots, reference numbers, and formal complaints at a pace that suggested more than routine friction.

    By the time the figures emerged, the pattern could no longer be ignored. Over ten thousand complaints in just six months was not noise. It was signal. Not panic, not collapse, but strain. A system under pressure does not always crack loudly, sometimes it leaks slowly until the volume becomes impossible to dismiss.

    What makes this surge unsettling is not only its scale, but its timing. It is unfolding during Nigeria’s deepest embrace of digital banking, at a moment when electronic transactions have become the backbone of daily life. Money now moves faster than conversation, yet when it stalls or disappears, the consequences land immediately on households and businesses.

    This story is not about a single failure. It is about accumulation. Small errors multiplied by scale, trust tested by repetition, and a financial system adjusting in real time to habits it encouraged but may not yet fully control.

    The Complaint Surge That Changed the Conversation

    In the first half of 2025, Nigerian banks recorded 10,704 customer complaints, representing a 143.3 percent increase compared to the same period a year earlier. This was not a marginal rise driven by population growth or seasonal patterns. It was a sharp jump that forced regulators and banks to take notice.

    The monetary dimension deepened the concern. Customers claimed a combined total of ₦21.42 billion and $5.09 million linked to disputed transactions, errors, and fraud. While ₦7.17 billion was refunded, the gap between claims and recovery exposed how much value remained in limbo, unresolved or still under review.

    At first glance, higher complaint numbers can signal improved awareness and better reporting channels. More Nigerians now understand how to escalate disputes and are willing to pursue resolution rather than absorb losses silently. That explanation holds some truth, but it does not fully account for the pace or concentration of the complaints.

    What the data suggests instead is convergence. More users, more transactions, more complexity, and more points where systems and human behavior intersect imperfectly. The complaints are not random, they cluster around specific services, revealing where pressure is greatest.

    When Digital Transactions Became the Main Pressure Point

    Electronic transactions and card services accounted for approximately 51.5 percent of all recorded complaints. That means more than half of all disputes originated from digital channels that were designed to reduce friction and increase convenience.

    Failed transfers remain the most common trigger. Funds leave one account without arriving in another, or arrive hours or days later without explanation. In a high velocity economy, delay itself becomes loss, particularly for traders, small businesses, and individuals managing tight cash flow.

    Unrecognised charges and incomplete reversals also feature prominently. Customers see deductions they cannot immediately trace, while resolution processes stretch across days or weeks. Each delay chips away at confidence, not because errors are unexpected, but because their resolution feels uncertain.

    The scale of electronic payments magnifies every flaw. With Nigerians executing nearly ₦90 trillion in electronic transfers in a single month during 2024, even a tiny error rate affects thousands of people. What once would have been isolated incidents now appear systemic simply because volume has transformed proportion into visibility.

    Fraud’s Evolution From Exception to Pattern

    Fraud related complaints accounted for 39.3 percent of all cases, making it the second largest source of disputes. This is not the old story of stolen cards and cloned ATMs that banks spent years learning to suppress.

    The current wave is quieter and more psychological. Social engineering exploits trust rather than technology, convincing customers to authorise transactions under false pretenses. SIM swap scams hijack identity at the telecom layer, bypassing safeguards that depend on phone numbers as proof of legitimacy.

    Authorised push payment fraud occupies an especially complex space. Customers technically approve transfers, yet do so based on deception. The transaction is valid, the intent is not. This blurs responsibility between banks, customers, and criminals in ways traditional fraud frameworks were not designed to handle.

    As these methods spread, banks face a dilemma. Blocking transactions aggressively risks inconveniencing legitimate users, but permissive systems expose customers to irreversible losses. The complaint figures suggest that this balance has not yet been perfected.

    Public Warnings and Private Losses

    Banks and regulators have issued repeated warnings about digital risk, particularly around the use of public WiFi for financial transactions. These advisories acknowledge that security is no longer confined to bank infrastructure, it extends into the environments where customers operate.

    Yet awareness does not always translate into protection. Many victims understand risks in theory but underestimate their immediacy. Fraud often succeeds not because users are careless, but because attacks are timed, contextual, and emotionally persuasive.

    Complaint data reflects this gap. Many cases involve customers who followed what they believed were normal procedures, only to discover afterward that the transaction path had been compromised. The sense of betrayal is amplified because digital banking is marketed as safe by default.

    This is where frustration hardens. Customers are not only asking for refunds, they are questioning whether the system truly accounts for how fraud now works.

    Regulatory Pressure and the Push for Speed

    In response to the surge, the Central Bank of Nigeria has intensified oversight. Banks are now under pressure to respond faster to fraud reports, with specific directives aimed at shortening investigation timelines and accelerating refunds where liability is established.

    One of the most consequential measures is the requirement for certain failed electronic transactions to be refunded within 48 hours. This rule acknowledges a simple truth. Delayed resolution can cause as much harm as the initial error, especially in a cash constrained environment.

    By imposing time limits, regulators are shifting the burden from customers to institutions. Banks must now invest more heavily in internal controls, dispute handling infrastructure, and coordination with payment processors to meet expectations.

    The intent is clear. Restore confidence by reducing uncertainty. Whether this will translate into fewer complaints or simply faster resolution remains an open question.

    The Complaints That Sit Outside the Spotlight

    Beyond digital transactions and fraud, a significant share of complaints still stem from traditional banking issues. Incorrect debits, delayed refunds, and unexplained charges continue to surface across institutions.

    ATM and USSD related problems remain stubbornly persistent. Failed withdrawals, incomplete reversals, and service interruptions affect customers who rely on these channels as their primary access to funds. These are not edge cases, they are everyday interactions for millions.

    What makes these complaints notable is their longevity. They represent problems that predate the digital surge but have not been eliminated by it. Instead, they coexist with newer risks, compounding dissatisfaction.

    When customers experience both old and new failures simultaneously, patience wears thin. The system begins to feel unreliable not because of one flaw, but because too many small ones accumulate.

    Awareness, Trust, and the Willingness to Complain

    One reason complaint numbers are rising is that Nigerians are more willing to report issues. Consumer education campaigns, clearer escalation channels, and visible regulatory backing have reduced the fear that complaints will be ignored.

    This shift matters. A silent customer absorbs loss. A reporting customer creates data. From a system perspective, higher complaints can actually improve oversight, provided institutions respond constructively.

    However, awareness alone does not generate a 143 percent increase. The willingness to complain grows fastest when experiences validate the effort. Customers complain when they believe something has genuinely gone wrong, not merely when they are inconvenienced.

    The data therefore reflects both empowerment and pressure. Customers feel entitled to resolution, and they feel compelled to seek it because failures are recurring.

    What the Numbers Ultimately Point To

    Taken together, the surge in complaints does not signal collapse. Nigerian banking remains functional, liquid, and central to economic life. What it signals instead is transition stress.

    Digital adoption has outpaced the maturation of controls designed for its current scale and complexity. Fraud has evolved faster than customer education and institutional response. Legacy service issues persist even as new channels dominate usage.

    The complaint surge is a mirror. It reflects how Nigerians bank today, what they rely on, and where the system struggles to meet those expectations consistently.

    Whether these numbers peak or continue rising will depend on how quickly banks adapt not just technologically, but operationally and culturally.

    Conclusion

    Over ten thousand complaints in six months is not an anomaly to be explained away. It is a measurement of friction in a system moving faster than ever before. Each complaint represents a moment where expectation and reality diverged.

    The challenge ahead is not to suppress complaints, but to learn from them. Speed matters. Clarity matters. Accountability matters. Digital banking can only sustain trust if errors are treated as urgent exceptions, not routine inconveniences.

    What is breaking in Nigerian banking is not the system itself, but the margin for error. And in a country where digital money now underpins daily survival, that margin has never been thinner.