withinnigeria.com

Tag: Lagos State

  • Rhodes-Vivour Vs Doherty: How Peter Obi’s NDC move changed opposition’s calculation and dynamics for Lagos governorship race

    Rhodes-Vivour Vs Doherty: How Peter Obi’s NDC move changed opposition’s calculation and dynamics for Lagos governorship race

    Two men who have nursed an ambition to govern the state have seen their aspirations take a dramatic turn in the wake of Obi’s move, forcing them to make tough decisions that could shape and influence not just how the electorate perceives and votes for them, but also determine what the future holds for them in politics.

    Last Sunday, former governor of Anambra State and the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general election announced his resignation from the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Obi announced his resignation in a statement he personally signed and shared on his Twitter page. His exit from the party occurred four months after he officially joined.
    Obi disclosed that his decision to leave the ADC is not unrelated to the leadership crisis rocking the party and the court cases that are causing considerable uncertainty and apprehension within the party.

    Obi’s move has undoubtedly engendered a seismic shift in the nation’s political landscape causing many stakeholders and actors on the tempestuous political scene to change their strategy and rethink their plans. One of the places where Obi’s defection has had a profound impact and considerable ramifications, changing the dynamics and calculations of the 2027 election, is Lagos State. Two men who have nursed an ambition to govern the state have seen their aspirations take a dramatic turn in the wake of Obi’s move, forcing them to make tough decisions that could shape and influence not just how the electorate perceives and votes for them, but also determine what the future holds for them in politics.

    The two men are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour and Fusho Doherty. They both contested the 2023 Lagos State governorship election. Rhodes-Vivour contested on the platform of the Labour Party, while Doherty contested under the African Democratic Congress. Rhodes-Vivour performed excellently despite the unpleasant and undemocratic conditions under which the election was conducted. He finished second with 312,329 votes. However, the same cannot be said for Doherty who came distant third with a paltry 6,078 votes.

    After the 2023 election, both men have done what they had to do to stay relevant in Nigeria’s unforgiving political scene and keep the flames of their dream to govern the state alive. Doherty left ADC for the Peoples Democratic Party Party but he returned to the ADC after the influx of prominent politicians to the ADC following Obi’s defection to the party. Early in the year, Rhodes-Vivour also dumped the Labour Party for ADC.

    One common denominator in the movement of both men from one political party to another is Peter Obi. While Rhodes-Vivour sheer brilliance, grand vision, lofty ideas and impressive manifesto may have endeared him to many Lagosians who have grown weary and somewhat become resentful of the political class over how they have managed the affairs of state since 1999, there is not denying the fact that his performance at poll was significantly aided by the Obidient tsunami that tore devastatingly across the nation’s political landscape in 2022 and 2023. Many, including Rhodes-Vivour, rode on the coattails of Obi’s goodwill, popularity and appeal to build their social capital and actualise their political goal.

    After the election and throughout the leadership crisis that beset the Labour Party after the elections, Rhodes-Vivour stood with Obi and they continued to navigate the treacherous socio-political landscape as comrades-in-arms. They would both join the ADC when the time came for them to continue their political journey on another ship, one not enveloped by dispute and crisis, at least that was the case at the time. Aside from Obi himself, Rhodes-Vivour is one of the few politicians if not the only one that Obidients are fond of, have immense respect for and are ready to put their money where their mouths are when it comes to helping him achieve his goal of becoming the governor of Lagos. As for Doherty, they couldn’t care less, they appreciate his astuteness and sagacity on matters of governance, and just like Rhodes-Vivour, acknowledge the fact that he has what it takes to lead Lagos State but don’t think he has done enough to earn the kind support and love they have for Rhodes-Vivour.

    So when Obi left ADC to NDC, the belief and expectation of many, particularly Obi’s supporters, was that Rhodes-Vivour would follow suit not because they thought the latter could not do it alone or amount to anything politically but because they reckoned that it was the prudent and strategic thing to do in light of the unfolding political gamesmanship and intrigues ahead of the 2027 election. But a week after Obi’s defection, there was no sign or indication that Rhodes-Vivour would also join the NDC, leaving many to conclude that he had decided to stay at ADC and stake out his claim there. On Wednesday, he confirmed the doubts of many after he announced that he would remain in ADC to pursue his political goal.

    Even though many hoped, wished and genuinely wanted him to defect from ADC because they felt the party was too encumbered by crisis and disputes for it to be a viable and reliable platform to achieve his ambition and realise his goals. When Doherty on Wednesday announced his exit from the ADC on Wednesday to join NDC, it quickly changed the whole calculations, permutations and dynamics of the Lagos State gubernatorial race.

    Before Doherty announced his defection to NDC to join other politicians and elected public officers, who had flocked to the party after Obi moved there, Rhodes-Vivour largely still enjoyed the backing of the Obidients and other Lagosians who supported him in 2023 and were ready to support and work for him again in 2027 to help actualise his ambition of governing the state. But the Doherty move to the NDC is now forcing many who hitherto promised to support him to rethink their decision.

    The core and majority of Rhodes-Vivour supporters and well-wishers are Obidients who are fiercely loyal to Obi. Doherty’s move to NDC and Rhodes-Vivour’s decision to remain in ADC have left them between a rock and a hard place when it comes to whom to pitch their tent with for the Lagos governorship election. They are divided. While some feel Rhodes-Vivour still deserves their full and unreserved support despite his decision to remain in ADC and not follow Obi to NDC as Doherty has remotely done anything or contribute to their cause to have a free pass at their support, others feel such a move is tantamount to political Russia roulette, warning that ditching a gubernatorial candidate of the NDC, where Obi is expected to emerge as the presidential candidate, to support Rhodes-Vivour is a move that will undermine Obi’s chance of winning Lagos.

    Rhodes-Vivour has said his decision to remain in ADC is not rooted in personal gain but the conviction that it is where he needs to be as he and his supporters have built solid structures that carry the hopes and dreams of many to see and live in a different Lagos. One not beset by grand larceny, corruption, poverty and chronic infrastructural decision. Why replying to Nefertiti, a staunch supporter of Obi on X, who urged him to see the reason and wisdom in joining Obi in NDC, He wrote “Thank you so much for the love, the support not just for me, for the movement, for H.E Peter Obi, but also for Nigeria. Please believe that I will never ever take the support of the Obidients for granted. The energy, the drive and the support you gave me in 2023, I will forever continue to be grateful for.
    I understand how you feel and how you see things in this moment. I only ask you for a bit of time. There is so much I wish I could explain. If everyone can see what a leader sees, that is no leader at all.
    I remember how PDP supporters on this App ridiculed and laughed at me to scorn when I left LP in 2022, I remember how that story ended.
    I only ask that you hold on till the end of the month. I promisethat  you at the end of 2027 we will be closer than we were in 2023. Thank you and I thank all Obidients who have reached out. who took 5 hours of their time to listen and engage with me on Spaces yesterday. Thank you.”

    With his reply, it appears Rhodes-Vivour has aces up his sleeve and has decided to keep his cards close to his chest for now. However, it will be very difficult for him to repeat his performance of 2023, when he gave the ruling party a run for their money, in 2027 with the current realities on the ground and unfolding drama and intrigues in the political space. The elections are still some eighteen months away and a lot can still happen in that time seeing how Nigeria’s politics is never short of intrigues, suspense and theatrics.

    Finally, the decision made by the two leading opposition figures in Lagos will go a long way in determining how they perform at the polls next year should they both decide to throw their hats in the ring for the gubernatorial election. While Rhodes-Vivour is widely believed to be politically stronger than Doherty and has done a lot of groundwork and movement to strengthen his base and build on the inroads he made in 2023, Doherty, though less politically savvy and lacking the street credibility, is poised to have a better showing than Rhodes-Vivour in 2027 due to his pragmatism and strategic alignment.

  • Lagos Cybersecurity Guidelines 2026: What They Are and What Every Business Must Know

    Lagos Cybersecurity Guidelines 2026: What They Are and What Every Business Must Know

    Nigeria loses over $500 million to cybercrime every year. That figure, cited by the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and equivalent to roughly ₦250 billion, has been floating around policy circles for a while. What’s new is that Lagos State has finally done something concrete about it.

    On April 19, 2026, the Lagos State Government officially released its Cybersecurity Guidelines, a structured framework covering businesses of all sizes, government agencies, and residents. The announcement came from Commissioner for Information and Strategy Gbenga Omotoso, who framed it plainly: Lagos is expanding fast, the digital attack surface is growing with it, and the state cannot afford to keep treating cybersecurity as someone else’s problem.

    If you run a business in Lagos, whether a fintech startup in Victoria Island, an SME in Ikeja, or a legacy enterprise with government contracts, these guidelines affect how you should operate. Here’s what you need to know.

    Why Lagos Moved Now

    Lagos is not just Nigeria’s commercial capital. It is, by most measures, the fastest-growing technology ecosystem on the African continent. That status comes with a cost: a large, dense, digitally active economy is an attractive target.

    The cybercrime losses aren’t abstract. They show up as business email compromise scams that drain company accounts, ransomware that locks hospitals out of patient records, and phishing attacks targeting employees at banks and telecoms. The state’s rapid smart-city ambitions, digital government services, connected infrastructure, and cashless payment systems expand the attack surface with every upgrade.

    Commissioner Omotoso put it directly in the announcement: the same digital growth that creates economic opportunity also “brings heightened vulnerability to cyber threats.” The guidelines are the government’s response to that tension.

    What the Guidelines Actually Are

    One thing worth being clear about upfront: these are not regulations. The document explicitly states that the recommendations are “not regulatory mandates but practical tools designed to empower stakeholders with context-specific cybersecurity measures.”

    That matters. Non-compliance won’t trigger a fine or prosecution under the Lagos guidelines themselves. What it will do is leave your organisation exposed to both real cyber risk and scrutiny under national laws that carry penalties.

    The framework is published on the Lagos State Government website at lagosstate.gov.ng/cybersecguide and covers three broad categories of stakeholders:

    • Small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
    • Large corporations and multinationals
    • Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) — i.e., public sector bodies

    The guidelines were developed by the Lagos State Cybersecurity Advisory Council, chaired by Prof. Fene Osakwe, with support from Commissioner for Innovation, Science and Technology Tubosun Alake. The involvement of a dedicated advisory council matters; it signals that the document has technical grounding, not just political intent.

    The Four Core Practice Areas

    Based on the framework’s recommendations, businesses are expected to address four interconnected areas.

    1. Access Controls

    Who has access to what, and how is that access managed? Weak access controls remain one of the most common entry points for attackers. The guidelines push organisations to tighten authentication, enforce least-privilege principles, and review who holds administrative rights. For a small business, this might mean enabling multi-factor authentication on email and accounting software. For a large enterprise, it means proper identity and access management (IAM) across systems.

    2. Data Protection Processes

    This is where the Lagos guidelines directly intersect with national law. Nigeria’s Data Protection Act (2023) already requires organisations that process personal data to implement appropriate safeguards. The Lagos guidelines reinforce this by urging businesses to formalise the ways they collect, store, transmit, and dispose of sensitive data. Encryption, data classification, and clear retention policies are the practical outputs expected here.

    3. Staff Awareness and Training

    Most breaches don’t start with sophisticated hacking. They start with an employee clicking the wrong link. The guidelines recognise this and call for regular cybersecurity training to ensure staff can identify phishing attempts, handle data responsibly, and know what to do when something goes wrong. This is an area where many Lagos businesses, particularly SMEs, have historically underinvested.

    4. Risk Management Strategies

    This is the systemic piece. Organisations are encouraged to conduct regular risk assessments, identify their most valuable digital assets, map potential threats, and build response plans before an incident happens, not after. A business that has never mapped its cyber risk has no reliable way to know what it’s defending or whether its defences are in the right place.

    How It Fits with National Law

    The Lagos guidelines don’t exist in a vacuum. They’re designed to complement three national-level instruments that businesses in Lagos are already legally subject to:

    The Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act 2024 is Nigeria’s primary cybercrime statute. It criminalises a broad range of offences, including unauthorised access, cyberstalking, identity theft, and attacks on critical infrastructure. Penalties are significant, with custodial sentences and fines attached to multiple offences.

    The Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA) 2023 brought Nigeria into closer alignment with international data protection standards. It requires organisations that process personal data to register with the Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC), appoint data protection officers where applicable, and implement measurable security controls. The NDPA has real teeth, the agency has been active in enforcement.

    The National Cybersecurity Policy and Strategy (NCPS) 2021 sets the federal government’s priorities across sectors, including finance, health, and critical infrastructure. The Lagos guidelines build on that strategic foundation rather than contradict it.

    If your business already has data protection compliance processes in place under the NDPA, you’re part of the way there. The Lagos guidelines help fill in the operational gaps.

    What This Means for SMEs Specifically

    Small businesses get a version of the guidelines scaled to their reality. That’s intentional, and useful, because most cybersecurity frameworks are built for enterprises with dedicated IT teams and six-figure security budgets.

    For an SME in Lagos, the practical starting point is straightforward: secure your email, use strong and unique passwords across accounts, back up data regularly (and test that the backups actually work), and train whoever handles your systems to recognise common threats. These aren’t glamorous measures, but they account for the vast majority of successful attacks against small businesses.

    The guidelines also push SMEs toward a mindset shift: cybersecurity is not a one-time IT project but an ongoing operational concern. A business that secured its systems in 2023 and hasn’t revisited them since has probably already drifted.

    What Large Enterprises and Government Agencies Should Do

    For larger organisations and MDAs, expectations are higher. The guidelines call for formalised governance structures, not just good practices, but documented policies, clear accountability, and regular audits.

    Government agencies face particular pressure here. As Lagos continues to build out digital public services, the MDAs managing those systems hold large volumes of citizen data. A breach at that level doesn’t just harm an organisation; it erodes public trust in digital government broadly. The guidelines effectively put state agencies on notice that the government expects them to lead by example on cybersecurity, not lag behind the private sector.

    For large private enterprises, the message is similar: the size of your organisation doesn’t just increase your resources, it increases your responsibility and your risk. A data breach at a Lagos bank or major telecoms provider has systemic consequences.

    Will the Guidelines Be Enforced?

    Not directly, in the legal sense. But that framing probably undersells their significance.

    Businesses that adopt the Lagos guidelines will be better positioned if they ever face scrutiny under the NDPA or the Cybercrime Act, because they’ll have documented evidence of reasonable security practices. Businesses that ignore them won’t have that cover.

    There’s also a commercial dimension. Investors, international partners, and larger clients increasingly require evidence of cybersecurity posture before signing contracts. Aligning with a government-endorsed framework provides a defensible baseline.

    The government has also committed to reviewing and updating the guidelines as threats evolve — which is the right approach, given how quickly the threat landscape changes. A static document issued once and never revisited would quickly become irrelevant.

    Getting Started

    The full guidelines are publicly available at lagosstate.gov.ng/cybersecguide. They’re free to download and, by design, written to be accessible rather than technical.

    A sensible starting approach for any business: read the document, compare its recommendations against your current practices, and identify the biggest gaps. For most organisations, access controls and staff training are where the immediate wins are. Risk management and data protection processes take longer to build properly, but should be on a defined roadmap.

    The Lagos Cybersecurity Guidelines won’t make your business impenetrable. Nothing will. What they do is give every organisation in the state, from a two-person agency in Surulere to a multinational with a regional HQ on Lagos Island, a practical, government-backed starting point for taking digital security seriously.

    In a city doing $500 million in damage every year from cybercrime, that starting point has been overdue.

  • April 11: Today in history, Lagos became the Federal Capital of Nigeria

    April 11: Today in history, Lagos became the Federal Capital of Nigeria

    • Lagos became the Federal Capital of Nigeria

    According to Mao Tse-tung, history is a symptom of our disease.

    History is a collection of historical occurrences. We must not abandon history because it lightens memories and creates a balance between the past and present. When we reflect on the past, we think about the experiences—both positive and negative—that shaped those situations.

    In an effort to disseminate knowledge for enlightenment and educational purposes, WITHIN NIGERIA highlighted events that occurred on April 11 and shaped the historical framework of the country.

    Lagos became the federal capital of Nigeria

    On this day, April 11 in 1968, Lagos became the federal capital of Nigeria after it was created in on May 27, 1967. The metropolitan city remained the capital until 1991 when the government seat was moved to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

    According to reports, General Murtala Mohammed came up with the idea to transfer the capital from Lagos to Abuja, but it wasn’t implemented until 1991, under President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

    Several nations have experimented with moving their capital cities around the globe. Brazil, for example, relocated its capital from Rio de Janeiro to the purpose-built Brasilia in 1961; Kazakhstan moved its capital from Almaty to Astana in 1997; and Cote d’Ivoire transferred its capital from Abijan to Yamoussoukro in 1983. Nigeria shifted its capital from Lagos to Abuja in 1991, joining the group of nations that had previously relocated their capital cities for various reasons.

    The initiative was made in 1975 by General Murtala Mohammed’s military government, which formed a 7-person panel with Dr. Akinola Aguda as its chairman to study the question of Nigeria’s future capital city. The Federal Capital Development Authority was founded by Military Decree No. 6 of 1976 to oversee the planning, designing, and development of the Federal Capital Territory at the recommendation of the panel following its study (FCT).

    The unsuccessful but brutal coup of 1976 that took his life prevented the Murtala administration from finishing what it had begun. While succeeding governments made their contributions during their terms in office, it wasn’t until the military regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida that the ideal became a reality in 1991.

  • Sanwo-Olu’s Stormy Second Term: A Rift with Tinubu?

    Sanwo-Olu’s Stormy Second Term: A Rift with Tinubu?

    Despite Sanwo-Olu’s advisers’ continuous assertion that the rosy relationship between the Lagos State Governor and his political godfather, President Bola Tinubu, has not soured as reported, there is a possibility that the duo have not fully settled their differences, WITHIN NIGERIA gathered.

    Recall that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had earlier demanded for records on questionable land allocations in Lagos.

    According to reliable sources, the land issue is said to have reignited talks in some quarters about a possible resurgence of disagreement or misunderstanding between the Governor and his political godfather.

    On Tuesday, April 7, Gbenga Omotoso, the Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, dismissed reports of a rift between Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and President Bola Tinubu.

    He described it as “mere speculation” and “imaginary thing that people imagine, likening the relationship between the two leaders to that of a father and son.

    According to Omotoso, Tinubu has not expressed any dissatisfaction with Sanwo-Olu.

    He noted that the president’s visits to Lagos demonstrate a healthy working relationship between the duo.

    He also addressed questions about the political succession in Lagos State, saying that discussions on a successor have not officially begun, and that such matters would be addressed in due course.

    Issues?

    Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s in his second term has been accused of being involved in scandals. Several allegations, yet to be substantiated have been leveled against him but here are the most controversial ones;

    Alleged involvement of Aisha Achimugu, in money laundering and funding opposition parties

    Aisha Achimugu, an associate of Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, has been proclaimed sought by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on suspicions of money laundering and criminal conspiracy.

    She was also accused of sending funds to opposition leaders Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2023 elections, which allegedly enraged President Bola Tinubu and harmed his relationship with Sanwo-Olu.

    The EFCC investigation indicated that Achimugu’s financial actions raised concerns, with huge funds tracked back to Obi and Abubakar following the 2023 election.

    Some allies of Tinubu expressed concerns over it, raising questions about Sanwo-Olu’s political loyalties, describing it as a severe act of political betrayal.

    The EFCC eventually ordered the forfeiture of $13 million linked to Achimugu’s firm, Oceangate Engineering Oil & Gas Ltd., cited proceeds of illicit activity. Achimugu denied ownership of some cash, stating they were bank loans.

    Accusation of illegal land allocation of 96 hectares at Banana Island 

    President Bola Tinubu allegedly expressed dissatisfaction with the allotment of 96 hectares of property on Banana Island to developers connected to him and Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    This reportedly prompted the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate an alleged land racketeering and money laundering conspiracy involving the Lagos State Government and certain federal officials.

    The anti-graft agency, while investigating the matter identified 14 firms engaged in the scheme, including Banana Island Higherend Castle Limited, which received the 96 hectares.

    According to investigation, corporations involved include Walaris Nigeria Limited, which purchased 572.735 hectares of land near Lagos Lagoon, and Tafba Nigeria Limited, which obtained five hectares plus an extra 55.8 hectares in the same region.

    However, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has ordered the removal of unlawful constructions on Banana Island and warning against unapproved dredging.

    Claims of Sanwo-Olu’s handling of the Lagos assembly crisis 

    There are allegations that the governor’s handling of the crisis has been criticized by numerous political stakeholders.

    The impeachment of former Speaker Mudashiru Obasa was viewed as an attempt to exert undue influence over the legislative branch.

    Obasa sued the new Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, and the Lagos State House of Assembly, claiming unconstitutional removal. As of the time of filing this article, the court has yet to rule on the matter.

    2025 Local Government Administration Law

    The Assembly opposes Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s proposal to postpone the implementation of the 2025 Local Government Administration Law, citing executive power abuse.

    Details of the 2025 administration law include succession, disqualification, and local government tenure, which the Assembly wanted implemented to allow new faces in the state’s local administration, but the Governor demanded a delay, infuriating some Assembly members, including Speaker Obasa.

  • Akinwumi Ambode: The Return of the Political ‘Ex’

    Akinwumi Ambode: The Return of the Political ‘Ex’

    On Saturday, March 21, former Governor Akinwumi Ambode and Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly pledged support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election attempt in 2027. 

    During an inter-faith prayer session commemorating Tinubu’s 74th birthday, the duo urged Nigerians to support the President for a second term, citing ongoing reforms and economic policies as critical to national growth.

    Former Lagos Governor Ambode complimented Tinubu’s leadership, stating that his commitment to Nigeria’s advancement is admirable and merits support.

    Following Ambode’s pledge of support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election, many political observers and supporters have expressed satisfaction and confidence that the strained relationship between the two has improved.

    Akinwunmi Ambode, formerly a core loyalist of the Tinubu’s political family, who succeeded Babatunde Raji Fashola as Lagos State Governor in 2015 but was denied a return ticket for his second term after losing a direct primary election of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2019 as a sitting governor.

    Recall that Tunde Balogun, ex-Lagos APC chairman, announced on Tuesday, October 2, that Babajide Sanwo-Olu had won the 2019 APC gubernatorial primary with 970,851 votes, defeating incumbent Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, who received 72,901 votes.

    After failing to win the All Progressives Congress (APC) gubernatorial election in Lagos in 2019, Akinwumi Ambode returned to his accounting business, focusing on his successful career as a chartered accountant. He accepted his fate and did not actively battle, which shocked many who expected him to run in the 2019 Lagos governor’s election under another party to challenge his godfather, Tinubu’s political authority.

    Akinwumi Ambode stepped away from politics after his first term expired in 2019. He made few public appearances, but returned to the political scene in August 2025, where he first stated his support for President Tinubu’s re-election campaign.

    Rumors and unsubstantiated reports suggest that Ambode is planning to succeed Babajide Sanwo-Olu, the current Governor of Lagos State, in 2027, and that he has been meeting with important stakeholders and party leaders to discuss his plans.

    The rise of Ambode?

    Akinwunmi Ambode’s ascension in Lagos politics was heavily influenced by Bola Tinubu, the current President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Epe-born chartered accountant is more of a political professional than a traditional politician.

    He began his public service career in 1988 as an Assistant Treasurer for Badagry Local Government. Bola Tinubu, the Lagos State Governor, appointed him Accountant-General in 2006 after he had served as a permanent secretary at the ministry of finance. He later served as the Accountant-General of Lagos State from 2006 to 2012.

    WITHIN NIGERIA learned that Babatunde Fashola, the former Governor of Lagos State, was contemplating two candidates: Olasupo Shasore and Femi Hamzat, who served as his commissioners for justice and attorney-general, and works and infrastructure, respectively.

    According to reliable sources, Fashola’s desired successor was not officially acknowledged because Bola Tinubu, a former Lagos Governor and All Progressives Congress (APC) leader, wanted Akinwunmi Ambode, who subsequently succeeded Fashola after defeating the PDP’s Jimi Agbaje in 2015.

    According to reports, Tinubu handpicked Ambode as Fashola’s replacement because he wanted someone he could work with and whose objectives and policies would be compatible with his for the sustained growth of Lagos State.

    The strain?

    Akinwumi Ambode announced in July 2017 that Visionscape, an environmental utility company, will be in charge of waste management in the state.

    This put Lagos private sector partnership (PSP) operators, who are influential grassroots personalities and a key component of the Lagos APC structure in charge of waste collection and disposal, out of business.

    The collapsing relationship between Bola Tinubu, the then-APC National Leader, and Akinwumi Ambode deteriorated in 2018. Ambode expressed desire in being re-elected in the 2019 election, but Tinubu announced his support for Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    According to WITHIN NIGERIA, Tinubu accused Ambode of deviating from previous administrations’ Lagos master plans and growth paths.

    “I make no claim that the master plan is perfect. It’s always possible to make improvements. However, whenever a government deviated from this plan without a convincing reason, the state and its people have suffered the terrible consequences,” Tinubu stated in one of his speeches.

    According to some accounts, Akinwunmi Ambode abandoned the party and implemented significant reforms in the Lagos system of government and service delivery, which affected and irritated many party members.

    Despite Ambode’s claim that he had the approval of 237 councillors and 3,900 community associations, Bola Tinubu, then APC National Leader, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and the Governor’s Advisory Council nominated Sanwo-Olu as the Lagos APC guber flag candidate and ended up winning the 2019 guber poll.

    The reunion?

    Barely five years later, Bola Tinubu and Akinwunmi Ambode officially met, indicating a considerable reconciliation between the two.

    The meeting took place at a banquet held by Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu in honor of President Tinubu.

    Pictures and short videos obtained by WITHIN NIGERIA show Akinwunmi Ambode shaking hands and sharing pleasantries with other dignitaries.

    At the meeting, Ambode reportedly expressed support for Tinubu’s presidency, and Tinubu recognized Ambode by stating, “Thank you, Akin.”

    Recall that Babajide Sanwo-Olu paid a visit to Ambode’s home on his 60th birthday as a show of goodwill, which most likely opened the way for the meeting with Tinubu.

    The support?

    In August 2025, former Lagos State Governor Akinwumi Ambode openly stated his support for President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

    Ambode complimented Tinubu’s leadership style, highlighting accomplishments such as eradicating fuel scarcity, boosting security, and enacting policies that benefit regular Nigerians.

    He referred to Tinubu as a “proven achiever and result-oriented leader” who has implemented important reforms in pensions, student loan accessibility, youth empowerment, and national economic development.

    He underlined Tinubu’s focus, determination, and inclusive governance style, claiming that they are “restoring hope and delivering tangible results”.

    He urged Nigerians to support Tinubu’s re-election campaign, thinking that additional four years would result in even greater improvement.

  • What To Know About Measles Rubella Vaccine

    What To Know About Measles Rubella Vaccine

    The Lagos State Government will launch a 10-day measles-rubella vaccination campaign from January 27 to February 5, 2026. 

    The goal is to eliminate vaccine-preventable diseases while improving child health outcomes.

    Dr. Akinu Adola, coordinator of the Lagos State Immunization Program, said the program will target nearly 10.5 million children aged nine months to 14 years across the state.

    He stated that community mapping has been completed, and roughly 5,000 trained health workers will be deployed.

    According to Adola, the teams would cover the entire state, including riverine and remote areas.

    He also said that traditional leaders and other stakeholders have been consulted to increase public trust and acceptance of the vaccine.

    What is rubella?

    Rubella, commonly known as German measles, is a contagious viral infection that results in a rash, fever, and enlarged lymph nodes. It is often minor, although it can be dangerous in pregnant women. It can result in birth defects, miscarriage within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, or congenital rubella syndrome (CRS) in neonates.

    How can rubella be contracted?

    A check by WITHIN NIGERIA indicated that rubella can be contracted by coming into direct touch with an infected person’s respiratory droplets, such as coughing, sneezing, or talking.

    It was also learned that rubella can be contracted by contacting infected surfaces and then touching faces without first washing hands with soap and water. It can also pass from mother to kid during pregnancy.

    Symptoms of Rubella?

    Rubella symptoms are usually mild. These symptoms include rash (pink or red spots) on the face, trunk, and limbs; fever; swollen lymph nodes (especially behind the ears and neck); headache; and joint pain (common in adults).

    What is the rubella vaccine?

    The rubella vaccine protects against rubella, often known as German measles. It is a live attenuated vaccine designed to prevent rubella. It is frequently given in conjunction with the measles and mumps vaccines (MMR).

    It reduces infection and difficulties in neonates, such as congenital rubella syndrome (CRS), which can result in birth abnormalities, deafness, and intellectual disabilities.

    What type of people can be vaccinated?

    The rubella vaccine can be given to children aged 12-18 months, women of childbearing age who are not immune, healthcare workers, and individuals traveling to areas with high rubella risk.

    Benefits?

    The vaccine protects against rubella, which can cause severe birth abnormalities and miscarriage in pregnant women. It gives long-term protection with just 1-2 doses. It is believed to be both safe and effective, with typical side effects including fever, rash, and joint pain.

    However, the rubella vaccine should not be given to pregnant women or those with compromised immune systems since it may produce minor adverse effects, though major reactions are uncommon.

  • Tribute: Oba De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi, Journalist-Turned-Politician Who Ruled Badagry for 48 Years

    Tribute: Oba De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi, Journalist-Turned-Politician Who Ruled Badagry for 48 Years

    The seat of Akran of Badagry is now empty. The occupant of the hallowed seat has passed away after 48 years on the throne. Oba De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi left Badagry, the previous abode of slave owners, and returned to his forefathers.

    In Yorubaland, kings never die. They change into spirits. They enter the vast hall with drums, trumpets, and saxophones, where they will dine and drink with our forefathers. Oba  has traveled the great path of his forebears, and he’ll be welcomed with pomp and excitement.

    Oba Babatunde, also known as De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi I, oversaw the affairs of Badagry, a seaside town, for 48 years. He was a proponent for youth development. Being an Oba in Badagry necessitates natural and emotional intelligence.

    Oba Akran died at the age of 89 from a brief illness. The monarch’s death brings an end to his amazing 48-year tenure on the throne, making him one of Lagos State’s longest-serving traditional rulers.

    Badagry had a number of firsts. It housed the first Christian mission, the first primary school, the first story structure, and a number of slave trade monuments. Oba Babatunde controlled the town for 48 years and led it to glory, making it a cynosure in everyone’s eyes.

    13 things you probably did not know about late Akran of Badagry, Oba Babatunde De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi I

    He was born on September 18, 1936

    He attended Salvation Army Primary School, Lagos

    He attended Methodist School, Badagry

    He attended Methodist Teachers’ College, Ifaki-Ekiti

    He later studied journalism in the United Kingdom (UK) where he obtained diploma with distinction from the University of East Africa

    He practiced as a journalist for years before ascending the throne.

    He worked as a reporter for newspaper firms like the West African Pilot, Morning Post among others

    He was popularly known as De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi I

    He represented Badagry in the Western Region Parliament in 1951 under the Action Group

    He was a champion of youth empowerment

    He played significant roles in promoting community development, cultural heritage, and education

    He was awarded the degree of Doctor of Laws (LL.D – Honoris Causa) on April 7, 1990

    He died as the Chancellor of the University of Port Harcourt

  • EFCC and the rise of ritual based fake currency fraud in Lagos and Osun

    EFCC and the rise of ritual based fake currency fraud in Lagos and Osun

    On the morning of December 7 2025, the atmosphere inside parts of Osun State was deceptively calm. Shrines that had existed quietly within residential clusters continued their routines, while Lagos moved at its usual hurried pace. Yet behind the stillness, an intelligence operation was reaching its final stage.

    Officers of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had spent weeks tracing movements that did not fit conventional financial crime patterns. There were no online transfers, no email trails, no cryptocurrency wallets lighting up dashboards. Instead, there were whispers, rituals, and physical bundles of foreign notes that were never meant to circulate.

    By December 8 2025, the silence broke. EFCC operatives, acting through the Ibadan Zonal Directorate, moved into multiple locations across Lagos and Osun. What they found reframed a growing category of financial crime in Nigeria. Inside shrines and private rooms were foreign currencies amounting to millions of dollars and hundreds of thousands of euros. The notes were fake, yet the belief systems around them were powerful enough to extract real money from victims.

    This case did not begin with a raid. It began earlier in 2025 with a complaint that sounded almost implausible. A woman named Halima Sanni reported that she had been defrauded of 26,550,000 naira, the promise made to her was not an investment opportunity or a loan scheme. It was spiritual transformation tied to wealth generation. That single complaint later anchored one of the most unusual EFCC investigations of the year.

    What followed was not merely an arrest story, but a deeper exposure of how ritual narratives are being fused with counterfeit currency crimes. By the time EFCC officers concluded their December operation, five suspects were in custody, and Nigeria was confronted again with how belief, desperation, and fraud can intersect outside digital space.

    The Intelligence Trail That Changed Direction

    The EFCC investigation that culminated in December 2025 did not follow the usual fraud template. There were no immediate bank records or digital footprints. Instead, intelligence officers were dealing with testimonies, rituals, movements, and physical cash claims. Surveillance teams had to recalibrate how they defined evidence and how they monitored suspects who operated outside mainstream financial systems.

    According to EFCC sources, the Ibadan Zonal Directorate began quiet monitoring after receiving corroborated intelligence reports beyond the initial complaint. The reports suggested the existence of a syndicate operating across state lines, presenting themselves as herbalists and spiritual consultants. These individuals allegedly promised wealth multiplication through spiritual cleansing processes that involved foreign currencies.

    Between October and November 2025, EFCC operatives reportedly tracked meeting points, communication patterns, and the movement of clients. Rather than internet messaging apps, the suspects relied heavily on direct contact, mobile calls, and referrals built on trust networks. This slowed the pace of investigation, but also revealed how offline fraud ecosystems can thrive beneath regulatory radar.

    By early December 2025, EFCC leadership approved coordinated arrests across Lagos and Osun. The goal was to prevent evidence displacement and confirm whether the fake currencies existed physically. What officers encountered exceeded expectations and confirmed that ritual based fraud had evolved into organised counterfeit possession.

    December 7 and 8 The Arrests Unfold

    On December 7 2025, EFCC operatives entered the first set of locations in Osun State. These were not commercial offices, but shrines embedded within residential environments. Inside the spaces, investigators found foreign notes arranged in ritualistic fashion, alongside traditional materials. Initial forensic checks indicated that the currencies were counterfeit.

    The following day, December 8 2025, parallel arrests were carried out in Lagos. The suspects were taken into custody without resistance. Searches conducted at the locations uncovered additional caches of foreign currency, bringing the total to $3,430,000 United States dollars and €280,000 euros. All were suspected to be fake.

    Alongside the currencies, EFCC officers seized mobile phones believed to contain communication records relevant to the alleged fraud. Two exotic vehicles were also recovered, raising questions about proceeds of crime and lifestyle funding. Each item was documented and transferred into evidence custody under standard EFCC protocol.

    By the end of December 8, five individuals were in EFCC detention. The arrests confirmed that the syndicate operated across state boundaries and relied on physical concealment rather than digital anonymity. For investigators, this marked a significant example of how fraud adapts when public awareness of online scams increases.

    Who the Suspects Are and Why Identity Matters

    The EFCC formally identified the suspects as Akingbola Omotayo, Adeola Funsho Ogunrinde, Yahaya Amodu, Kubratu Babalola Olaitan, and Familola Sunday Olaitan. One of the suspects, Kubratu Babalola Olaitan, is female. All were described as self styled herbalists or spiritualists by investigators.

    Identity disclosure in this case served two purposes. First, it established accountability and discouraged speculation. Second, it signaled EFCC intent to treat the case as organised crime rather than isolated superstition. Each suspect is believed to have played a role within the operational structure, whether in recruitment, ritual performance, or financial handling.

    Investigators believe the syndicate functioned on division of trust. Some members reportedly handled spiritual narratives, while others coordinated logistics and money collection. This compartmentalisation made detection harder and prolonged the period before law enforcement intervention.

    By naming the suspects, EFCC also aimed to encourage additional victims to come forward. Historically, ritual based fraud victims often remain silent due to shame, fear, or belief that reporting could worsen their situation. Public identification was therefore both procedural and strategic.

    The Alleged Modus Operandi: Inside the Shrines

    At the heart of the allegations is a method that blends belief psychology with counterfeit currency theatrics. Victims were allegedly told that large sums of foreign currency had been spiritually produced, but required cleansing before use. The cleansing process was said to involve sacrifices and ritual payments.

    According to EFCC statements, victims were persuaded that touching or spending the notes before spiritual clearance could result in misfortune. This fear based mechanism reportedly kept victims compliant and willing to pay repeated fees. In the case of Halima Sanni, the payments allegedly totaled over 26 million naira.

    The counterfeit currencies played a symbolic role. Though unusable, they served as visual proof reinforcing the illusion of impending wealth. This approach mirrors classic confidence tricks, but replaces financial jargon with spiritual authority.

    EFCC investigators believe hypnosis, suggestion, and social pressure were used to sustain belief. By the time victims realised inconsistencies, the financial damage had already occurred. This structure explains why such schemes persist despite widespread awareness campaigns.

    Fake Currency As a Tool Not the Endgame

    One of the key findings of the EFCC operation is that the counterfeit currencies were not primarily intended for circulation. Instead, they functioned as props within a broader fraud narrative. This distinction shifts how such cases are interpreted under financial crime frameworks.

    While possession of counterfeit currency remains a serious offence, the investigation suggests that the primary profit was extracted directly from victims rather than through spending the fake notes. This hybrid crime model sits between ritual fraud and currency counterfeiting.

    The quantities involved, however, elevate the case. Three million four hundred and thirty thousand dollars and two hundred and eighty thousand euros represent significant volumes that could undermine financial confidence if circulated. This factor strengthens the seriousness of the charges EFCC is expected to pursue.

    By documenting the role of fake currency as psychological leverage, EFCC is expanding how fraud typologies are defined. It demonstrates that counterfeit notes can be weaponised even when never intended to enter banks or markets.

    Lagos and Osun As Interlinked Fraud Zones

    The geographical spread of the case reveals important patterns. Lagos serves as Nigeria’s financial nerve centre, while Osun offers quieter environments where ritual based practices draw less scrutiny. The syndicate reportedly exploited this contrast.

    Movement between the two states allowed suspects to manage client flow, evidence storage, and operational secrecy. EFCC surveillance indicated that certain rituals were conducted in Osun, while Lagos handled introductions and logistics.

    This inter state linkage reinforces the importance of coordinated enforcement. Fraud no longer respects administrative boundaries, especially when belief systems allow operations to remain informal and mobile.

    The December 2025 arrests underscore why EFCC increasingly treats regional cases as networked threats rather than isolated incidents.

    Evidence Handling and Forensic Processes

    Following the arrests, EFCC initiated forensic examination of the seized currencies. Counterfeit verification involves assessing paper quality, printing technique, serial alignment, and security features. Preliminary findings confirmed the notes were fake.

    Mobile phones recovered are undergoing digital extraction to map communication networks. Even without sophisticated encryption, call logs and message patterns can reveal coordination structures.

    Vehicles seized are being assessed for ownership records and acquisition timelines. This helps determine whether they were purchased with proceeds of crime or used operationally.

    Evidence handling in this case reflects EFCC’s adaptation to non digital fraud. Physical artefacts, ritual spaces, and narrative materials now form part of investigative documentation.

    Legal Pathway After December 2025

    As of mid December 2025, EFCC confirmed that the suspects remain in custody while investigations continue. Charging decisions will follow completion of evidence collation and legal review.

    Possible charges include conspiracy, obtaining money under false pretence, and possession of counterfeit currency. Each carries serious penalties under Nigerian law.

    Prosecutors are expected to rely heavily on victim testimony, physical evidence, and expert verification of the fake currencies. Establishing intent will be central to the case.

    The outcome will likely shape future enforcement against ritual based fraud networks operating outside digital space.

    The Broader Rise of Ritual Based Financial Fraud

    This case is not isolated. EFCC records indicate an increase in reports involving spiritual wealth claims, particularly during periods of economic strain. When conventional pathways feel blocked, belief based alternatives gain traction.

    Fraudsters adapt narratives to cultural contexts, offering hope disguised as tradition. The Lagos and Osun case illustrates how modern crime borrows ancient symbols.

    EFCC’s December 2025 operation signals recognition of this trend. By treating ritual fraud with the same seriousness as cybercrime, the agency is recalibrating its enforcement priorities.

    Public education will remain critical. Awareness must extend beyond internet scams to include belief exploitation.

    Conclusion: What December 2025 Reveals

    The arrest of five herbalists with fake foreign currencies in Lagos and Osun in December 2025 marks more than a successful sting. It exposes how fraud evolves when technology is no longer the primary vehicle.

    This case shows that belief can be monetised just as efficiently as code. That fake money can extract real wealth without ever entering circulation. And that enforcement must remain flexible to confront unconventional threats.

    As the suspects await prosecution, the larger lesson stands. Financial crime is not only about systems, but about stories people are willing to believe. EFCC’s challenge in the coming years will be to dismantle both.

  • RAUF AREGBESOLA: Meet Tinubu’s ally and confidant who’s plotting his removal from office

    RAUF AREGBESOLA: Meet Tinubu’s ally and confidant who’s plotting his removal from office

    The rosy relationship between Rauf Aregbesola and Bola Tinubu, which started in the early 1900s, has gone sour. 

    The duo, Tinubu and Aregbesola, who enjoyed decades of a rosy mentor-to-mentee relationship, have separated and no longer relate politically.

    Many public analysts have wondered about what could possibly cause the said sour relationship, but there has been no definite answer. 

    Some argued that Aregbesola was in bed with Northern oligarchs as a minister and did not want Tinubu to be elected as president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 

    Others argued that Tinubu mismanaged the crisis between Rauf Aregbesola, his political mentee, and Gboyega Oyetola, his brother, and chose the latter ahead of the former. 

    There are several unverified opinions or tales surrounding the misunderstanding between Bola Tinubu and his political mentee, Rauf Aregbesola, but the most verified and accurate is that Aregbesola no longer adores Tinubu as a mentor or leader, and the former is plotting how the latter would be sacked from office through ballot.

    Aregbesola, who had described Tinubu on several occasions as his leader, demi-god, mentor, and benefactor, is now the National Secretary of the Action Democratic Congress, an opposition party plotting the removal of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leader, Tinubu, from Aso-Rock in the 2027 election.

    Aregbesola A Loyal, Dependable Partner, Friend – Tinubu

    Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has described Nigeria’s Minister of Interior, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as a good, loyal, dependable partner and friend.

    Tinubu, in a congratulatory message to Aregbesola on his 63rd birthday on Monday said Aregbesola laid the foundation for the infrastructural development of the State of Osun and turned it to a modern state.

    According to Tinubu in the message signed by his Media Adviser Tunde Rahman, the former governor of the State of Osun has provided inspirational leadership in the state.

    The statement reads: “Ogbeni Aregbesola has done a lot for the country. He laid the foundation for the infrastructural development of the State of Osun and turned it to what it is today: a modern state.

    “He is creative and innovative. He provided inspirational leadership in Osun and now at the centre in Abuja.

    “An engineer and political activist, Aregbesola made the difference in Lagos as Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure for eight years, in Osun as governor for two terms and at present as Minister of Interior.

    ADC will send Tinubu packing in 2027 – Aregbesola 

    National Secretary of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola on Sunday, October 19 stated that his party, ADC, by the grace of God, will take over the mantle of leadership in Nigeria and in most of the states in the 2027 elections.

    This was made known by the former Osun governor while addressing newsmen after the commissioning of the state secretariat of the party along Basin Road, Ilorin.

    His words:

    ”If APC is confident of its strength, it won’t be so hyped and charged as to be hounding and hunting opposition all over the place.

    “How can we interpret what APC is doing all over Nigeria to us? They are harassing and intimidating all of our members, not just our leaders but nationwide, be it Lagos, Kebbi, Kaduna.

    “If indeed they are confident of the strength they are showcasing, one would expect that they will be so calm but reverse is the case, so what does that tell you?”he queried.

    “They themselves know that they are not popular and the party that will harvest their unpopularity is ADC.

    “Regardless of the grandstanding, by the grace of God, ADC will take over the mantle of leadership in Nigeria and in most of the state.”

    15 things you probably did not know about Rauf Adesoji Aregbesola, Ilesa-born ex-ally and confidant of President Bola Tinubu

    He was born on May 25, 1957

    He is a native of Ilesa, Osun State

    He attended The Polytechnic, Ibadan where he studied Mechanical Engineering

    He served as the Speaker of the Students’ Parliament and President of the Black Nationalist Movement as an undergraduate

    He worked as an engineer at Nigerian External Telecommunications Limited and Lagos Airport Hotel

    He founded Aurora Nigeria Ltd, an engineering firm

    He was a Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure in Lagos State from 1999 to 2007

    He was declared the winner of 2007 Osun Guber Poll by an Ibadan Appeal Court in 2010, leading to the removal of then Olagunsoye Oyinlola as Governor of the state

    He was sworn in as governor of Osun State on November 27, 2010

    He served as Governor of Osun State from 2010 to 2018

    He served as the Minister of Interior from 2019 to 2023

    He is the primary founder of Omoluabi Progressives, a political group in Osun State

    He is fondly called the Symbol or Oranmiyan by political associates, loyalists and followers

    He is the first politician to ever spend two terms in office legally

    He is currently the National Secretary of Action Democratic Congress (ADC)

  • Meet Olumide Edwards, the ‘Yahooze crooner’ – the son of a medical doctor who gave up accounting for music

    Meet Olumide Edwards, the ‘Yahooze crooner’ – the son of a medical doctor who gave up accounting for music

    His name is Olumide Edwards Adegbulu. But his stage name as an artist is Olu Maintain. He is a native of Ondo State but he was born and raised in Lagos State. The stage name ‘Olu Maintain’ is not as popular and acceptable like Mr. Yahooze, a name coined from one of his most popular songs ‘Yahooze’.

    For Olumide Adegbulu, music is a call of service he can not ignore. Despite being raised by medical practitioners, he abandoned his diploma certificate in accountancy from the prestigious The Polytechnic, Ibadan and focused on music.

    Olumide who started singing as a student rose to prominence in May 2007 with the release of the hit song “Yahooze” which arguably remains a controversial song allegedly responsible for praising internet fraud and lavish spending from his debut studio album, Yahooze (2007).

    Here are thirteen (13) things you probably don’t know about the Yahooze crooner, Olu Maintain

    1. His names are Olumide Edwards Adegbulu
    2. He was born in the Month of September, 1976
    3. He was born in Lagos but he is a native of Ondo
    4. His parents are medical practitioners, his father is a medical doctor while his mother is a nurse
    5. He co-founded the musical group known as Maintain with his cousin, Tolu Ogunniyi. Adeboye Bammeke, popularly known as Big Bamo, joined the group, which released six albums between 1998 and 2004 with the hit songs “I Catch Cold”, “Domitila” and “Alo” before they separated in 2004.
    6. He obtained a diploma certificate in accountancy from The Polytechnic, Ibadan in 2001
    7. He started his music career in 1997 by releasing his first Album titled ‘Domitila’
    8. He performed “Yahooze” at the Royal Albert Hall, London and brought on stage the former United States Secretary of State, Collin Powell in 2008
    9. He released the album ‘With All Due Respect, Press Play” with a hit single titled “What a Man Can Do” featuring Kentro World in July, 2009.
    10. He has also featured alongside legendary contemporary artists, such as 50 Cent and Olivia in his 2013 track Hypnotize Me, and Fatman Scoop in his 2013 track Oya Dancia.
    11. He joined the Blue Pie Records roster in October, 2022
    12. He released other songs such as Olu in Brazil, Excuse My French, and Cinderella.
    13. Unconfirmed reports claimed that he has secretly married a white woman.