Tag: Nigerian Senate

  • Meet ‘Taiwo Oyedele’: 13 Things To Know About The Minister of State for Finance Nominee

    Meet ‘Taiwo Oyedele’: 13 Things To Know About The Minister of State for Finance Nominee

    President Bola Tinubu has nominated Taiwo Oyedele as Minister of State for Finance. 


    Oyedele will replace Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, who is set to become Minister of State in the Ministry of Budget and National Planning.

    Recall that Taiwo Oyedele previously chaired the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, which revamped Nigeria’s tax structure.

    As Taiwo Oyedele awaits the screening and confirmation of the Senate for the position of Minister of State for Finance, WITHIN NIGERIA profiles the nominee.

    Here are 13 things you probably didn’t know about Taiwo Oyedele, the nominee for Minister of State for Finance:

    He was born on June 18, 1975, in Ondo State.

    He grew up in Ikaram, Akoko, Ondo State.

    He attended Central Primary School, Oniwaya, in Agege, Lagos.

    He also attended Anwarul Islam College in Agege for his secondary education.

    He obtained a certificate in accountancy and finance at Yaba College of Technology.

    He later earned a BSc in Applied Accounting from Oxford Brookes University.

    He also completed executive education programs at prestigious institutions like the London School of Economics, Yale University, and Harvard Kennedy School.

    He spent 22 years at PwC, rising to Fiscal Policy Partner and Africa Tax Leader.

    He is an economist, accountant, and public policy expert with over two decades of experience in the public and private sectors.

    He chairs the Taxation and Fiscal Policy Faculty Board of ICAN and West Africa Debt Management Roundtable

    He is an associate professor at Babcock University and a guest lecturer at Lagos Business School.

    In July 2023, President Bola Tinubu appointed him as the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms.

    As Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Oyedele reportedly led efforts to simplify Nigeria’s tax system, increase revenue, and attract investment.

  • INSIGHT: Real-time transmission of results rejected — who gains and who loses?

    INSIGHT: Real-time transmission of results rejected — who gains and who loses?

    The decision by the senate to retain discretionary powers for the transmission of election results has renewed national debate about transparency, trust and the conduct of future elections.

    Lawmakers passed amendments to the Electoral Act that many Nigerians had expected would close gaps observed during the 2023 general elections, particularly in relation to the collation and transfer of results.

    A central proposal before the senate was a clause that would have made real-time electronic transmission of polling unit results compulsory, with uploads tied directly to the INEC Result Viewing portal immediately after the signing of official result sheets.

    The senate, however, declined to adopt that clause and instead retained provisions that allow the electoral commission to determine the method of transmitting results.

    This decision has triggered varied reactions among political actors, civil society groups and election observers, with each group assessing possible outcomes for the 2027 general elections.

    Supporters of the senate’s position argue that the existing law already accommodates electronic transmission and that flexibility is necessary in areas with weak telecommunications coverage.

    They also maintain that leaving the decision to the electoral body ensures that operational realities on election day can be properly managed without legal constraints.

    The senate president, Godswill Akpabio, stated that the chamber did not remove electronic transmission from the law and insisted that the intention was to retain the same framework used during the last general election.

    He said, “This senate under my watch has not rejected the electronic transmission of results,” adding that the current law still permits the use of technology where the commission considers it practicable.

    Legal provisions cited by the senate indicate that the commission is empowered to determine procedures for voting and result transmission, including maintaining an electronic database of polling unit outcomes.

    Judicial pronouncements before and after the 2023 elections have also affirmed that the commission retains discretion on how to transmit results, and that the absence of electronic uploads alone cannot invalidate an election.

    Civil society organisations, however, contend that the refusal to make real-time transmission mandatory preserves a legal gap that contributed to disputes in the last election cycle.

    The executive director of Yiaga Africa, Samson Itodo, said, “What the senate has done is to betray the trust of Nigerians and to make a mess of all the gains that we have made.”

    He added that courts had previously ruled that electronic transmission is not expressly required by law, which is why many reform advocates sought a clear statutory provision.

    Election observers note that disputes in Nigeria’s elections often arise during collation stages rather than at polling units, making the handling of results a critical issue for credibility.

    Technological tools introduced in recent elections, including voter accreditation devices and online result portals, were intended to improve transparency and allow citizens to verify outcomes independently.

    However, the absence of a mandatory legal framework for real-time uploads meant that these tools could be applied unevenly, which became a subject of litigation after the presidential election.

    The house of representatives, in its own version of the amendment bill, adopted the clause mandating real-time transmission, thereby setting up a divergence that must now be reconciled by a joint conference committee.

    Political analysts say the final outcome of that harmonisation process will determine whether the next election cycle operates under a compulsory digital reporting system or a discretionary one.

    For electoral administrators, the senate’s position provides operational flexibility and shields the commission from potential litigation tied to network failures or technical disruptions.

    For political parties and candidates, the implications vary depending on their confidence in the collation process and their access to independent monitoring mechanisms.

    For voters, the central concern remains the credibility of results and the ability to independently verify outcomes as they are announced.

    The controversy reflects a broader tension between technological reform and logistical realities in a country with uneven infrastructure and varying levels of digital connectivity.

    As preparations for the 2027 elections begin to take shape, the debate over real-time transmission is expected to remain a focal point in discussions on electoral integrity.

    The conference committee set up by both chambers of the national assembly will ultimately determine whether the final law mandates instant electronic uploads or preserves the existing discretionary framework.

    Until that decision is reached, the question of who gains or loses from the senate’s rejection of compulsory real-time transmission remains open, with its impact likely to be tested in the next general election cycle.

  • ANALYSIS: Is the senate becoming a refuge for ex-governors?

    ANALYSIS: Is the senate becoming a refuge for ex-governors?

    As each election season winds down, a familiar movement takes shape, with state leaders nearing the end of their tenure shifting focus towards seats in the senate.

    In the present 10th national assembly, at least 15 former governors now serve as senators, extending a pattern where state executives move almost directly into federal lawmaking roles.

    This steady flow has stirred renewed discussion about whether the upper chamber is gradually turning into a destination for established political figures instead of a space that encourages broader representation.

    Supporters of the pattern say it brings tested leadership and administrative knowledge into parliament, while critics warn it may narrow the range of voices in national debate.

    POWER AFTER OFFICE

    In Nigeria’s political environment, stepping down from office rarely ends a politician’s influence, as many former governors retain strong party structures, loyal supporters, and financial backing.

    For many of them, the senate offers an avenue to remain visible in national politics and stay connected to federal decisions.

    Ebube Mbah, an African Democratic Congress figure in Imo state, said the motivation for many is continued relevance.

    “Most of them get there, and you no longer hear their voices,” Mbah said.

    “They simply want access to power and to remain relevant within their political parties.”

    He added that the governorship often offers wider opportunities for direct impact than a legislative seat.

    “There is hardly any impact you can make as a senator that you cannot make more exhaustively as a governor,” he said.

    EXPERIENCE VERSUS PERFORMANCE

    Those who support the trend argue that the senate requires individuals who already understand governance and public administration.

    Tony Nwulu, a former lawmaker and director-general of the Youth in Parliament Forum, said experience is an advantage in legislative work.

    “The senate is not really a place where I expect young people should play a lot,” Nwulu said.

    “The senate is a bit more advanced when it comes to leadership experience, and those experiences come with age in some cases.”

    However, some observers question whether executive experience automatically leads to strong legislative contributions.

    They note that while a number of former governors are active in sponsoring bills and participating in debates, many others play less visible roles in the chamber.

    Names frequently mentioned among the more engaged members include Orji Uzor Kalu, Adams Oshiomhole, Danjuma Goje, Gbenga Daniel, and Aminu Tambuwal, who have taken part in policy discussions and committee work.

    Even so, analysts say their combined output does not always reflect their numerical presence in the senate.

    INFLUENCE WITHIN THE CHAMBER

    Former governors often occupy influential positions within senate leadership and committee structures.

    Past and present senate presidents such as Bukola Saraki and Godswill Akpabio both rose from governorship into leadership of the chamber, highlighting the weight carried by executive backgrounds.

    Committee leadership roles also tend to be assigned to former governors, sometimes ahead of lawmakers with longer legislative experience.

    Critics argue that this may tilt the internal balance of the chamber towards a smaller circle of powerful figures.

    At the same time, electoral outcomes show that not all former governors succeed in their bids for senate seats, as several prominent names lost in the last general elections.

    LOOKING TOWARDS 2027

    Signals from different states suggest that the pattern may continue into the next election cycle.

    In Delta state, youth groups have encouraged the former governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, to seek a senate seat, while discussions in Ogun state have linked the governor, Dapo Abiodun, with a possible move to the red chamber after his tenure.

    In Kogi state, the former governor, Yahaya Bello, has also indicated interest in representing his constituency at the national level.

    These developments reinforce the perception that the senate is often viewed as a next step for outgoing governors.

    At the same time, stakeholders note that sectors such as agriculture, health, and infrastructure require both experience and new thinking, which depends on the diversity of lawmakers.

    The continued presence of former governors in the senate therefore raises broader questions about political renewal, institutional balance, and representation.

    As the country moves closer to another election cycle, voters and political parties may ultimately decide whether the upper chamber remains dominated by established figures or becomes more open to new entrants in national lawmaking.

  • How close is Nigeria’s Electoral Act Amendment to becoming law ahead of the 2027 Polls?

    How close is Nigeria’s Electoral Act Amendment to becoming law ahead of the 2027 Polls?

    Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. With the 2027 general elections looming, the nation’s legal framework that governs how votes are cast, counted, and verified has become the center of intense political debate, public anxiety, and civic activism.

    At the heart of this debate is the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, a piece of legislation meant to update and strengthen the current Electoral Act to reflect the realities of modern elections, improve transparency, and enhance public confidence in the electoral process.

    The legislative process, however, has been anything but smooth. What started as a broadly supported effort to modernize Nigeria’s electoral law has evolved into a contentious political saga, with disagreements over technology, timelines, penalties, and the balance of power between the National Assembly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and Nigerians themselves. This story is more than procedural. It is about trust in democratic institutions, the legitimacy of the next presidential and state polls, and whether citizens will feel that their votes truly matter.

    The Current Landscape: Where the Bill Stands

    In early February 2026, the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria passed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2026, marking a significant milestone in the legislative journey toward electoral reform ahead of the 2027 elections. The bill, technically titled the Electoral Act 2022 (Repeal and Re-enactment) Amendment Bill 2026, cleared its third reading in the Senate and now moves to a harmonization process with the House of Representatives before being sent to the President for assent.

    For many Nigerians, that may sound like bureaucratic detail, but the implications are profound. Passage by the Senate means lawmakers have agreed, in principle, on a revised legal text establishing how elections will be run, how results are processed, and how violations will be punished. Yet the process is unfinished; the bill is not yet law. It must be reconciled with the House’s version, and only after harmonization can it be sent to the President for final approval.

    This intermediate stage, where the Senate has passed its version but the final law is not yet in force, is where much of the current anxiety around electoral readiness lies.

    Electronic Transmission: A Battleground of Trust and Technology

    One of the most emotionally charged and widely discussed sections of the bill relates to how election results are transmitted from polling units to the central counting and viewing systems. This issue has become symbolic of the struggle between demands for transparency and fears about technical feasibility.

    At the core of the disagreement is a proposed provision that would have made electronic transmission of results mandatory, requiring presiding officers at polling units to transmit results directly to INEC’s Result Viewing Portal (IReV) in real time, immediately after results were signed and verified. Proponents argued that this technological step was necessary to reduce the historical manipulation of results during transmission, a practice that has repeatedly undermined confidence in Nigeria’s elections.

    The Senate, however, chose not to enshrine mandatory electronic transmission into law. Instead, it retained the existing framework from the 2022 Electoral Act that empowers INEC to determine “the manner in which results are transferred,” including electronic transmission, without making it compulsory in every location. Supporters of the Senate’s decision argued that rigid technology mandates could be problematic in rural or low‑connectivity areas, and that too much legal prescription might limit INEC’s flexibility to adapt on election day.

    This outcome, preserving electronic transmission as a discretionary tool rather than a binding statutory obligation, has drawn both applause and criticism. Some democratic advocates view it as a setback for electoral transparency, while others see it as a cautious balancing of practical realities. Whichever side one takes, the underlying tension is clear: Nigerians want elections that are free and fair, but there is disagreement about how best to guarantee that outcome through law and technology.

    Redefining Penalties: Harder Lines, Softer Options

    Another dimension of the bill that has attracted attention is how it proposes to punish electoral offences, from vote buying to falsification of results and unlawful possession of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs).

    During deliberations, the Senate considered harsher sanctions, including a proposed 10‑year ban on offenders from contesting elections. However, lawmakers ultimately rejected this extended ban and instead settled on increased financial penalties (up to ₦5 million) and a possible two‑year imprisonment term for certain offences like illegal dealings with PVCs.

    This moderation of penalties reflects a broader debate within Nigerian politics: How do you deter electoral malpractice effectively without imposing punishments that are too severe to enforce fairly or that could, in themselves, become sources of litigation and controversy? The Senate’s decision suggests a preference for a mix of deterrence and pragmatism, but critics argue the final measures may not go far enough to change ingrained behaviours that have long fueled electoral fraud and manipulation.

    Timelines and Administrative Changes

    Time is another crucial element of this legislative story. The Electoral Act Amendment Bill includes several changes to key election timelines, most notably the notice of election period, which was reduced from 360 days to 180 days before election day, and a similar reduction in the window for political parties to submit their candidate lists.

    In practical terms, this means that certain parts of the pre‑election process, declaration of election dates and party nominations, will happen closer to election day than under the old law. Supporters of the change argue that these adjustments reflect modern political realities and allow for better‑timed preparations. Opponents worry that compressing deadlines could strain INEC’s administrative capacities or reduce time for campaigns, legal challenges, and civic engagement.

    Put simply, how election timelines are structured has real consequences for political parties, candidates, voters, and the overall rhythm of the democratic process.

    INEC’s Preparations: A Parallel Story

    While the political drama unfolds in the National Assembly, the Independent National Electoral Commission has been pressing ahead with its own preparations for the 2027 elections. INEC has reportedly completed its timetable and schedule of activities for the polls, even as the legal framework remains in flux.

    A major part of INEC’s work has been a nationwide voters’ register revalidation exercise, designed to clean up the electoral roll by removing multiple registrations and deceased individuals from the list, a long‑standing problem in Nigerian elections that can open the door to abuse.

    This parallel effort highlights the practical pressures that come with legislative delay. Even when lawmakers are negotiating legal text, INEC must prepare logistics, technology deployment, training of election officials, and public education campaigns. Every day that passes without a final law adds urgency to INEC’s task of ensuring a credible election.

    Criticism, Civic Pressure, and Political Stakes

    The legislative process has also sparked intense public debate. Opposition parties and civil society organisations have issued warnings that delays in passing the Electoral Act Amendment Bill could undermine crucial reforms and jeopardize the credibility of the 2027 vote. For instance, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused the National Assembly of dragging its feet on key elements like electronic transmission and voter accreditation, suggesting that political interests are influencing the pace of reform.

    Similarly, civil society groups, including the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room, have called on the Senate to pass the amendment quickly, warning that continued delays could erode public confidence and make the polls more prone to disputes.

    These criticisms reflect a deeper concern among many Nigerians: that electoral law reform has become entangled in partisanship, rather than being treated as a national imperative.

    Why This Matters: Trust, legitimacy, and the People

    All of these legislative details — technology, penalties, timelines, negotiations between chambers, criticisms from civil society — are more than technical points of law. They speak to a profound question: Can Nigeria build an electoral system that citizens trust?

    For ordinary voters, election law is not just a statute; it is a promise that when they step into a polling booth, their choice will count, be respected, and be reflected accurately in the final tally. When uncertainties persist, about whether results will be transmitted transparently, whether the voter register is clean, or whether the rules change at the last minute, it chips away at that trust.

    In a country where past elections have been marred by allegations of manipulation, delayed results, or legal battles that stretch for months, the stakes for 2027 are immensely high. Nigerians want an election that is seen and believed to be free, fair, and credible. The Electoral Act Amendment Bill, once finalized and signed into law, could be a cornerstone for that aspiration. But how it gets there matters as much as what it contains.

    Outlook — The Final Stretch and Its Uncertainties

    As of early February 2026, the Electoral Act Amendment Bill is much closer to becoming law than it was months ago. The Senate has passed its version, negotiations with the House are looming, and INEC continues its preparations. But the story is not yet over.

    For the bill to become law, a few key steps remain:

    1. Harmonization between the Senate and House versions of the bill.

    2. Final approval (clause‑by‑clause agreement) between lawmakers from both chambers.

    3. Transmission to the Presidency for assent, where the President signs it into law.

    If all these steps happen smoothly and in good time, Nigeria could enter the 2027 electoral season with a strengthened legal framework. But any further delay or sharp disagreement could tighten the window for implementation, testing INEC’s ability to organize election logistics and eroding public confidence.

    This legislative process is a microcosm of Nigeria’s democratic evolution, full of debate, conflict, negotiation, and, above all, the desire of millions of citizens for elections they can trust.

  • EXAMINATION: Terrorism financing — can lawmakers identify the culprits

    EXAMINATION: Terrorism financing — can lawmakers identify the culprits

    The Nigerian Senate has expressed concern over the rising threat of terrorism financing in the country.

    Security analysts warn that funding for insurgent groups has increasingly shifted to untraceable channels, complicating enforcement efforts.

    The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) have reported unusual financial flows that may indicate illicit transactions.

    Officials note that terrorism financing often involves layering of funds through legitimate businesses, informal banking systems, and cash transfers.

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has initiated investigations into accounts suspected of supporting extremist activities.

    Lawmakers argue that existing laws may be insufficient to track and prosecute financial crimes linked to terrorism.

    The Terrorism (Prevention) Act 2011 criminalises the provision of funds to terrorist organisations, but enforcement remains a challenge.

    Senators have highlighted cases where shell companies and non-profit organisations were allegedly used as conduits for terrorist funding.

    The committee on banking and finance has invited CBN officials to brief the Senate on mechanisms for detecting suspicious financial activities.

    Experts note that international cooperation is critical, as funds often originate from or pass through foreign jurisdictions.

    Financial institutions are required to file suspicious transaction reports (STRs) under anti-money laundering (AML) regulations.

    Despite these measures, compliance gaps remain, allowing some networks to operate undetected.

    The Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) has emphasised the need for banks to strengthen due diligence and internal monitoring systems.

    Lawmakers have proposed amendments to enhance penalties for entities found complicit in terrorism financing.

    The Senate committee on security services has also recommended increased funding for investigative agencies.

    Civil society organisations stress that transparency in charitable donations is necessary to prevent exploitation by extremist networks.

    Reports suggest that hawala networks and informal remittance channels have been used to move funds without detection.

    Security agencies have conducted raids on suspected operatives and frozen accounts linked to terrorism financing.

    The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has placed Nigeria under observation to ensure compliance with international anti-terror financing standards.

    Banking experts caution that overly stringent regulations could disrupt legitimate businesses and humanitarian organisations.

    Lawmakers argue that a balance is needed between national security and economic activity.

    Several bills have been tabled in the Senate aimed at tightening scrutiny over cross-border financial flows.

    The EFCC has highlighted successful prosecutions of individuals and organisations engaged in moving funds to extremist groups.

    Investigations revealed the use of cryptocurrencies and online payment platforms in circumventing traditional banking oversight.

    Some senators advocate for increased training and resources for financial intelligence units to detect sophisticated schemes.

    Officials note that collaboration with regional bodies such as ECOWAS is critical to monitor and prevent cross-border terrorism financing.

    Public awareness campaigns have been launched to educate citizens on reporting suspicious financial activities.

    The NFIU reports that anonymised donations and unregistered NGOs remain high-risk vectors for terrorism financing.

    Law enforcement agencies continue to enhance data analytics capabilities to identify patterns indicative of illicit funding.

    The Senate has urged the executive to improve coordination among ministries, agencies, and financial institutions.

    Experts warn that failure to act decisively may undermine Nigeria’s security and international standing.

    Legislators emphasise that combating terrorism financing is not only a legal obligation but a national security imperative.

    The combination of regulatory enforcement, international cooperation, and public vigilance is seen as essential to unmask culprits effectively.

    Senators have committed to periodic reviews of the legal framework to ensure adaptability to evolving financing methods.

    The outcome of these legislative efforts will influence Nigeria’s ability to disrupt terrorist operations and secure financial systems.

  • Meet Nigerian senators who have been suspended since 1999 (PHOTOS)

    Meet Nigerian senators who have been suspended since 1999 (PHOTOS)

    Senator representing Kogi Central Senatorial District, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has been suspended by the senate on Thursday, March 6 for six months over alleged misconduct in the red chamber. 

    The decision was taken after a simple majority of senators during the plenary voted in support of the consideration and adoption of the report presented by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct, and Public Petitions, Senator Neda Imasuen.

    Reacting to the development, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan described her suspension from the Red Chambers as “an injustice that will not be sustained”.

    “I will continue the pursuit for justice. This injustice would not stand”, a furious Senator Natasha said while faulting her suspension.

    Here is is brief profile of senators who have been suspended and why they were suspended by the senate:

    Francis Arthur Nzeribe

    Arthur Francis Nzeribe was born on November 2, 1938. He was a two-time Senator for the Orlu Senatorial constituency in Imo State. He firstly served from October 1983 to December 1983. He was re-elected as a Senator from May 1999 to May 2007 on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). He died in 2022 at the age of 83.

    Findings by WITHIN NIGERIA revealed that Arthur Nzeribe, a senator was suspended indefinitely in November 2002 by then-Senate President Pius Anyim over allegations of N22 million fraud.

    Mohammed Ali Ndume

    Mohammed Ali Ndume was born on November 20, 1959. He was a member of Nigeria’s House of Representatives from 2003 to 2011. He has been representing Borno South Senatorial District since 2011.

    The Senate in 2017 suspended Ali Ndume for six months. According to findings, he was suspended for embarrassing then Senate President Bukola Saraki and Dino Melaye, a former senator representing Kogi West.

    Recall that Ali Ndume had requested the senate to investigate the allegation that the upper chamber was exacting vengeance on Hameed Ali, former comptroller-general of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), because of a seized bullet-proof car allegedly owned by Saraki.

    Ndume also requested that Dino Melaye, a senator representing Kogi West should be probed for certificate forgery. Both Saraki and Melaye were probed and later cleared of the allegations by a senate panel.

    Joseph K.N Waku

    Joseph K.N Waku was elected as a Senator for the Benue North-West Senatorial District under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999.

    He was suspended by the Nigerian Senate in 2000 after he suggested that a military coup would be preferable than allowing former President Olusegun Obasanjo to continue as a dictator.

    Waku, who was a known critic of President Olusegun Obasanjo, described his administration as the worst in Nigeria’s history. Many senators were aggrieved by his position which led to condemnation from all quarters, hence his suspension.

    Abdul Ahmed Ningi

    Abdul Ahmed Ningi was born on April 20, 1960. He was a Senator representing Bauchi Central Senatorial District from 2011 to 2015.

    Findings by WITHIN NIGERIA revealed that he was suspended by the senate over allegation that the 2024 budget was padded by N3 trillion.

    The former majority leader was suspended for three months and he later resigned as chairman of the Northern Senators Forum (NSF).

    Obarisi Ovie Omo-Agege

    Obarisi Ovie Omo-Agege was born on August 3, 1963. He was a Senator who represented the good people of Delta Central Senatorial District from 2015 to 2023. He served as the Deputy President of the Nigerian Senate from 2019 to 2023.

    Findings by WITHIN NIGERIA revealed that the Delta Central Senator was suspended by the senate for kicking against the election reordering bill in 2018.

    Additional findings revealed that Omo-Agege approached the court to get a restraining order against any move by the senate to suspend him eventhough he later apologised for his position.

    Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan

    Natasha Hadiza Akpoti was born in 1979. She is a Nigerian lawyer and Senator representing Kogi Central Senatorial District.

    The Kogi Central Senator has been suspended for six months by the senate over misconduct.

    The Senate Chief Whip had notified the Senate President about the refusal of Senator Natasha to occupy her new seat following a new sitting arrangement which occured as a result of cross-carpeting from one political party to another by some senators.

    Akpabio who insisted that Senator Natasha can only be recognized if she speaks from her new seat after the Senate Chip Whip had earlier cited Senate rules that disallow a Senator from speaking from her old seat.

    Akpoti-Uduaghan expressed her grievances and publicly called out the Senate President of intimidating and suppressing her voice in the senate.

    In an interview with Arise Television on Friday, the lawmaker attributed her recent issues in the Senate to her refusal to accept sexual advances from Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

  • Nigerian Senate to pass 2021 budget on Monday, December 21

    Nigerian Senate to pass 2021 budget on Monday, December 21

    The Nigerian Senate has disclosed that it will hold a special session to pass the 2021 budget presently before the National Assembly into law on Monday, December 21.

    This was contained in a statement released by the special assistant (Press) to the Senate President, Ezrel Tabiowo

    According to the statement, the senate president made this known during plenary following a motion moved by the Senate Leader, Yahaya Abdullahi (APC – Kebbi North); and seconded by the Minority Leader, Enyinnaya Abaribe (PDP – Abia South).

    The Senate President stated that the delay in the passage of the budget was to allow the Appropriations Committee include a late request for additional expenditures from the Executive arm of government.

    “Our Committee on Appropriation has been working round the clock. We had planned to receive the report of the Committee on Appropriations today, but there was a late request for some more expenditures from the Executive arm of Government, and we want to ensure that our Committee does work to produce a clean document, so they can’t present this document today.

    “However, the Committee has said the report will be ready by weekend. Consequently, we will hold a special session on Monday, the 21st of December, 2020, just to consider and pass the budget 2021.

    “This is in keeping with our legislative agenda of ensuring that the annual budget has a January to December cycle. We did that last year, and by the grace of God, we will do it again,”Lawan said

    Meanwhile, the Senate on Wednesday also stepped down the consideration of the Conference Committee Report 2021 – 2023 Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) and Fiscal Strategy Paper (FSP).

    The request to step down consideration of the 2021 – 2023 MTEF report till Thursday, 17th December, 2020 was moved by the Senate Leader, Yahaya Abdullahi; and seconded by the Minority Leader, Enyinnaya Abaribe.

  • Senate seeks review of import duty on newsprint

    Senate seeks review of import duty on newsprint

    A case has been made by the Senate on Tuesday, June 9 for the reduction of import duty on newsprint as well as the establishment of paper mills in the six geopolitical zones of the country.

    This development occured after a motion was moved by Senator Stephen Ekpeyong on the need to revive the moribund paper mills in Nigeria.

    The skyrocketing cost of newsprint in the country has been decried by the upper chamber.

    The Senate called on the Chartered Institute of Professional Printers of Nigeria and the Nigeria Customs Service to review duty on importation of paper as raw materials and published books into the country and makes it favourable to print locally in Nigeria.

    The Senate also directed its committee on Privatization to investigate the activities and operations of the existing Mills in the country.

    It urged the Federal Government to establish Federal Paper Mills in each geopolitical zones of the country to boost paper production, economic growth, and employment opportunities in the country.

    In a lead debate, Ekpeyong insisted that the sector had gone moribund since its privatization, leaving the country with another huge income deficit.

    He said the companies that bought the mills have either abandoned them or not been able to revive them making the country to depend on imported papers.

    He expressed worry that the recent statistics released by the Raw Material Research and Development Council indicated that Nigeria lost over N800bn annually to paper importation.

    He also said the Printers Association of Nigeria claimed that its members spend $1trn annually to import over one million metric tons of paper at the cost of $1,000 per tones.

    He recalled that in the past paper Mills had a work force of over 300,000 people and an investment worth over N100billion before the privatization policy of the Federal Government.

    He expressed concern that the unhealthy state of the printing industry was adversely affecting the education sector.

    He noted that statistics show that over 100 million books are required yearly in the country for the 20 million students in schools.

    He said by the National Book Policy, five books are the requirement set per pupil with the 75 per cent of the books printed outside the country.

    According to him, this was because printers make more money printing abroad because the duty on importation of published books is zero per cent while importation of paper, as raw materials into the country is up to 30 per cent.

    He further expressed worry that the result of the non-performance of the Paper Mills was the missed opportunity for job creation in the sector.

    He said, “If these Paper Mills are working, thousands of Nigerians would be actively employed working in these mills while books and paper needed by students would have been cheaper since they are produced locally.

    The President of the Senate, Ahmad Lawan, mandated its Committee on Privatisation to work on the motion and report back to the chamber in four weeks.

  • BREAKING: Lawan welcomes Senator Kalu into the senate days after being released from prison

    BREAKING: Lawan welcomes Senator Kalu into the senate days after being released from prison

    The Chief Whip of the Senate, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu who recently left the Nigerian Correctional Centre has been officially welcomed back to the Senate on Tuesday by the President of the Senate, Ahmad Lawan.

    This is coming days after the senate president Ahmad Lawan and others senators paid a courtesy visit to the Abia-born lawmaker, Orji Uzor Kalu on Thursday, June 4 shortly after he was released from prison.

    WITHIN NIGERIA had earlier reported that Nigeria Correctional Centre has released former Abia Governor, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu from Kuje Custodial Centre in Abuja where he was serving a 12-year sentence.

    Recall that the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has found a former Abia State Governor, Orji Uzor Kalu and two others guilty of N7.65bn fraud.

    Recall that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) prosecuted Orji Kalu and a former Commissioner for Finance in the state, Ude Udeogo for fraud.

  • ‘We won’t disclose outcome of our investigations against Senator Elisha Abbo’ — Senate

    ‘We won’t disclose outcome of our investigations against Senator Elisha Abbo’ — Senate

    Senate has disclosed that the outcome of its investigation against Adamawa lawmaker, Elisha Abbo who was caught on camera assaulting a woman in a sex toy shop in Abuja would not be made public.

    This disclosure was made by the Senate spokesperson, Godiya Akwashiki while addressing journalists after plenary on Thursday, December 12th.

    Akwashiki said that “I know vividly when that issue was brought to the plenary under matters of urgent importance, a senator raised an observation saying this issue is in a court of law. It’s not an issue we should disturb ourselves over.  

    “Please, I want to speak like a lawmaker. Once an issue is in a court of law, there is a limit for us to discuss it in the plenary.”

    It was further learnt that “Akwashiki rationalised the Senate’s delay in debating the report, section 88 of the Constitution, which empowers the National Assembly to investigate allegations of misconduct against members and there was no such restriction.

    According to reports, an investigation by the legislative arm, the section states, could be over the conduct of any “person, authority, or government body that has the duty of executing or administering laws enacted by the National Assembly.”

    Although such investigations cannot be aimed to punish, the section states that it shall only be either to “make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws” or “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence”.